Thesis (Ph. D.)--Duke University, 2007.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Virginia, 1965. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 532-555).

An n-armed bandit task was used to investigate the trade-off between exploratory (choosing lesser-known options) and exploitive (choosing options with the greatest probability of reinforcement) human choice in a trial-and-error learning problem. In Experiment 1 a different probability of reinforcement was assigned to each of 8 response options using random-ratios (RRs), and participants chose by clicking buttons in a circular display on a computer screen using a computer mouse. Relative frequency thresholds (ranging from .10 to 1.0) were randomly assigned to each participant and acted as task constraints limiting the proportion of total responses that could be attributed to any response option. Preference for the richer keys was shown, and those with greater constraints explored more and earned less reinforcement. Those with the highest constraints showed no preference, distributing their responses among the options with equal probability. In Experiment 2 the payoff probabilities changed partway through, for some the leanest options increased to richest, and for others the richest became leanest. When the RRs changed, the decrease participants with moderate and low constraints showed immediate increases in exploration and change in preference to the new richest keys, while increase participants showed no increase in exploration, and more gradual changes in preference. For Experiment 3 the constraint was held constant at .85, and the two richest options were decreased midway through the task by varying amounts (0 to .60). Decreases were detected early for participants in all but the smallest decrease conditions, and exploration increased.

This thesis proposes that cultural heritage preservation in the event of armed conflict is negotiated through four main frameworks: (1) a political framework of independent governments and UNESCO; (2) a legal framework of international conventions and agreements; (3) a civil framework including local communities and non-governmental organizations; and (4) an armed forces framework spanning military and militant groups. These four frameworks operate in conjunction with one another, at times in complementary or in contradictory ways. Given the intimate connection of immoveable cultural sites to the dynamics of cultural identity, it is assumed in this thesis that the intentional destruction of cultural heritage property is akin to the destruction of a group's cultural identity and to a greater extent a crucial component of ethnic cleansing in connection with social identity theory.

Text in Afrikaans / Tydens teeninsurgensie is daar 'n duidelik waarneembare intensivering van die burokratiese wedywering tussen die polisie en die militere, wat in wese om kwessies soos prestige, uitbreiding en modernisering sentreer. In die onderhawige studie is die problematiek rondom die rolverdeling van die polisie en die militere in teeninsurgensie aan die hand van die rewolusionere oorlog in Namibig, as 'n gevallestudie en met besondere verwysing na die rol van die polisie, ondersoek. In die studie word 'n aantal algemene bevindinge, sowel as 'n aantal primere en sekondere bevindinge gemaak. Die kern van die bevindinge bestaan uit 'n drieledige gevolgtrekking: eerstens dat die rolle van die polisie en die militere in teeninsurgensie komplementer is; tweedens dat daar 'n tydige en duidelike rolverdeling moet wees; en derdens dat, alhoewel die polisie 'n beperkte militere rol het, die swaartepunt van die polisie-teeninsurgensierol buite die militere dimensie geleg is. / During counterinsurgency there is a clearly perceptible intensification of the bureaucratic competition between the police and the military which, in essence, revolves around questions such as prestige, expansion and modernisation. In this study the problems surrounding the role division of the police and the military in counterinsurgency, as manifested in the revolutionary war in Namibia and with specific reference to the role of the police, were investigated as a case study. The study concludes with a number of general findings, as well as a number of primary and secondary findings. The nucleus of the findings consist of a threefold conclusion: Firstly, that the police and military roles in counterinsurgency are complementary; secondly, that there must be a timeous and clear role division; and thirdly, that although the police have a limited military role, the centre of gravity of the police counterinsurgency role lies outside the military dimension. / Political Sciences / M.A. (Strategiese Studies)

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:25:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2003-07-14Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T18:06:59Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 delpinojunior_a_me_ilha.pdf: 1935500 bytes, checksum: bece074c3516a80e3d98e5f2153fe19f (MD5) / Neste trabalho foi estudada a interação solo-estrutura para estacas escavadas com trado mecânico, de concreto armado (com diâmetro de 32 cm e 8,71 m embutida no solo), instaladas em solo arenoso de comportamento elástico-linear, solicitadas a carregamento transversal, através da análise e execução de provas de carga, no Campo Experimental da Unesp, Campus de Ilha Solteira. A partir das curvas de carga horizontal versus deslocamento horizontal, obtidas nas provas de carga, foi possível obter a variação do coeficiente horizontal de reação do solo (nh) em função do deslocamento horizontal na superfície do terreno (yo), por meio dos métodos de Matlock & Reese (1960) e Reese (1976). Escolhido o intervalo de yo entre 7 mm a 12 mm, obteve-se o valor de nh igual a 8 MN/m3, o que permitiu a determinação dos deslocamentos, das rotações, dos momentos fletores, dos esforços cortantes e das pressões atuantes no solo, ao longo do fuste das estacas, considerando a variação ou não da rigidez flexional (EI) das estacas. A influência da rigidez flexional se mostrou bem mais expressiva do que a influência da rigidez do solo no comportamento das estacas; para o nível de carregamento analisado, considerando a máxima carga utilizada nas provas de carga. / In this work was studied the soil-structure interaction for bored piles of armed concrete (with 32 cm od diameter and 8,71 m length), installed in arenaceous soil of elastic-linear behavior, requested the transversal load, through the analysis and execution of load tests, in the Experimental Field of the Unesp, Campus of the Ilha Solteira. From the curves horizontal load versus horizontal displacement, gotten in the load tests, it was possible to get the variation of coefficient of horizontal subgrade reaction (nh) in function of the ground horizontal displacement (yo), by means of the methods of Matlock & Reese (1960) and Reese (1976). Chosen the interval of yo enter 7-12 mm, got the equal value of nh 8 the MN/m3, what it allowed the determination of the horizontal displacements, the rotations, bending moments, shear forces and soil reactions, in depth, considering the variation or not of the flexional rigidity (EI) of the piles. The flexional rigidity had more influence on the piles behaviour that the soil, for the analyzed loading level, considering the maximum load used in the load tests.

Orientador: Shiguenoli Miyamoto / Banca: Angelita Matos Souza / Banca: Hector Luis Saint-Pierre / Banca: João Roberto Martins Filho / Banca: Paulo César Souza Manduca / O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas" / Resumo: A forma pela qual se reinseriu o Japão após sua derrota na Segunda Guerra Mundial faz do Arquipélago um modelo único nas relações internacionais. Com o fim do Império Nipônico, o Japão sofreu diversas mudanças que tiveram impacto na Política Externa japonesa ao longo de mais de 50 anos. Após reaver sua soberania em 1952, e por ser constitucionalmente proibido de manter Forças Armadas, o país formulou sua Política Externa e de Defesa tendo como o pilar principal os Estados Unidos da América, em uma posição de subordinação, como um "free rider". Esperava-se, contudo, que tal condição não duraria por muito tempo. Previa-se que o Arquipélago se transformaria em uma potência militar assim que se transformasse em uma potência econômica. Até o final do século XX, o Japão não conseguiu atingir o status que lhe era previsto. Entretanto, a partir de 2001, o país ingressou-se em uma política revisionista, o que mudou conceitos, teorias e características que permeavam a Política Externa japonesa. O Japão decidiu mudar seu comportamento em Defesa, o que foi bem visto pelos EUA. A presente tese tem como objetivo analisar a Política de Defesa do Japão e suas principais mudanças na primeira década do século XXI. / Abstract: The way Japan entered the international community after its defeat in World War II makes it a unique model in the international relations. After the end of the Japanese Empire, Japan has gone through many changes that impacted its foreign policy during the next 50 years. After restoring its sovereignty in 1952 and under a constitutional ban on any armed forces, Japan formulated its foreign and defense policy centered in the US, under a subordinated role, as a free rider. It was expected, however, that such condition would not last for a long time. It was expected that Japan would turn into a military power after being a economic power. At the end of the 20th century, Japan did not reach the role that was foreseen. Nevertheless, from 2001 on, Japan started a revisionist policy, which has changed concepts, theories and characteristics that described the Japanese foreign policy. Japan then decided to change its behavior in defense and it was welcomed by the US. This thesis analyses the defense policy of Japan and its main changes during the first decade of the 21st century. / Doutor

Submitted by David Paulo Succi Junior null (david.succi@hotmail.com) on 2018-03-01T22:18:40Z No. of bitstreams: 1 SUCCI JUNIOR, David. Forças Armadas e segurança pública; a construção do padrão de emprego militar na argentina e no brasil.pdf: 1437399 bytes, checksum: 3e05e54812bf0a41b2b01e1e4fc2d162 (MD5) / Rejected by Satie Tagara (satie@marilia.unesp.br), reason: A data da defesa informada na submissão da dissertação ao repositório está como 23/02/2018. Contudo, na página de rosto e na folha de defesa consta como 2017. Por favor, corrigir as datas incorretas e fazer uma nova submissão. on 2018-03-02T20:21:39Z (GMT) / Submitted by David Paulo Succi Junior null (david.succi@hotmail.com) on 2018-03-02T20:54:42Z No. of bitstreams: 1 SUCCI JUNIOR, David. Forças Armadas e segurança pública; a construção do padrão de emprego militar na argentina e no brasil.pdf: 1437565 bytes, checksum: 53df5adc46f4347ee286e465806c6af2 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Satie Tagara (satie@marilia.unesp.br) on 2018-03-05T16:40:57Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 succijunior_dp_me_mar.pdf: 1437565 bytes, checksum: 53df5adc46f4347ee286e465806c6af2 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-03-05T16:40:57Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 succijunior_dp_me_mar.pdf: 1437565 bytes, checksum: 53df5adc46f4347ee286e465806c6af2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-02-23 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq) / O objeto da pesquisa é o emprego das forças armadas – instrumento de política externa – em atividades de segurança pública na Argentina e no Brasil, entre os anos de 2005 e 2015. O objetivo do estudo é compreender a construção de padrões divergentes de utilização dos instrumentos castrenses nos dois países estudados. Enquanto os militares argentinos são treinados e empregados predominantemente para o combate de ameaças externas de natureza estatal, as Forças Armadas brasileiras estão direcionadas essencialmente ao enfrentamento de problemas internos e atores não-estatais. Defendemos a hipótese de que os processos de rompimento e continuidade do papel das forças armadas argentinas e brasileiras – entendido como o conjunto de ações com as quais as mesmas identificam-se e são identificadas –, desencadeados com a transição das ditaduras militares para a democracia nos países estudados, geraram as condições de possibilidade para a conformação da situação em tela. Em relação à bibliografia especializada, a hipótese defendida opõe-se à lógica explicativa positivista, segundo a qual a definição das missões militares é uma resposta pragmática a uma realidade objetiva e à concepção de que o controle político das instituições castrenses resulta na diminuição da atuação militar no interior das fronteiras nacionais. / The research subject is the deployment of armed forces – foreign policy instrument – in public security operations in Argentina and Brazil, between 2005 and 2015. It aims to comprehend the construction of diverging patterns of military deployment in the studied countries. While argentinians militaries are primarily trained and employed to confront external threats, brazilian Armed Forces are essentially directed to deal with internal problems and confront non-state actors. The hypothesis sustained is that the processes of rupture and continuity in the argentinian and brazilian armed forces role – understood as the set of actions in which military are recognized and recognize themselves –, triggered by the transition from dictatorship to democracy, created the conditions possibility for the setting of the analyzed scenery. With regard to the specialized literature, this hypothesis opposes the positivist approach that understands the definition of military missions as a pragmatic reply to an objective reality and the argument that political control of military institutions decreases the deployment of it inside national boundaries. / 130670/2016-2

The multi-armed bandit (MAB) problem provides a convenient abstraction for many online decision problems arising in modern applications including Internet display advertising, crowdsourcing, online procurement, smart grids, etc. Several variants of the MAB problem have been proposed to extend the basic model to a variety of practical and general settings. The sleeping multi-armed bandit (SMAB) problem is one such variant where the set of available arms varies with time. This study is focused on analyzing the efficacy of the Thompson Sampling algorithm for solving the SMAB problem. Any algorithm for the classical MAB problem is expected to choose one of K available arms (actions) in each of T consecutive rounds. Each choice of an arm generates a stochastic reward from an unknown but fixed distribution. The goal of the algorithm is to maximize the expected sum of rewards over the T rounds (or equivalently minimize the expected total regret), relative to the best fixed action in hindsight. In many real-world settings, however, not all arms may be available in any given round. For example, in Internet display advertising, some advertisers might choose to stay away from the auction due to budget constraints; in crowdsourcing, some workers may not be available at a given time due to timezone difference, etc. Such situations give rise to the sleeping MAB abstraction. In the literature, several upper confidence bound (UCB)-based approaches have been proposed and investigated for the SMAB problem. Our contribution is to investigate the efficacy of a Thomp-son Sampling-based approach. Our key finding is to establish a logarithmic regret bound, which non-trivially generalizes a similar bound known for this approach in the classical MAB setting. Our bound also matches (up to constants) the best-known lower bound for the SMAB problem. Furthermore, we show via detailed simulations, that the Thompson Sampling approach in fact outperforms the known algorithms for the SMAB problem.

Orientador: Eliezer Rizzo de Oliveira / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-04T12:50:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Bertazzo_JulianaSantosMaia_M.pdf: 8340104 bytes, checksum: 4cd982ae8dee3a19ef6f3ed2d255c8c7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005 / Resumo: o tema desta dissertação é a definição de missões ou papéis para as FQrças Armadas brasileiras, especialmente o Exército, no período pós-Guerra Fria. Durante a Guerra Fria, o papel dos militares no Brasil era conter "a ameaça comunista", segundo a diretriz passada pelos Estados Unidos, o chefe do bloco capitalista no confronto ideológico. A luta contra esse inimigo interno incentivou sua participação na política, levando os militares a, inclusive, exercer o controle do governo. Passado o período do governo autoritário e, principalmente, com o fim da bipolaridade da Guerra Fria, criou-se um novo cenário político-estratégico no mundo. Nesse cenário, a hipótese de uma nova guerra mundial, como a que se previa anteriormente, já não se sustentava, e tampouco se matinha a hipótese de um conflito regional envolvendo diretamente o Brasil. Novas ameaças, como o tráfico de drogas, o crime organizado, a imigração descontrolada e a degradação ambiental voltam a atenção dos países centrais para a periferia do sistema. Centros formuladores de políticas sugerem a redução de contingentes e dos investimentos em defesa, e lançam diretrizes para o emprego das forças armadas do então chamado "Terceiro Mundo". Dentre tais diretrizes, temos a atribuição de uma tarefa policial às forças armadas, de combate ao narcotráfico e desordens urbanas. Paralelamente, as Forças Armadas brasileiras enfrentam a gradual erosão de seu poder dentro do governo e do Estado. Essa crise afeta as Forças Armadas enquanto instituição, agora em busca de um novo posicionamento em relação ao ambiente democrático. O estudo desenvolvido procurou apreender a dimensão da adaptação dos militares, especialmente os do Exército, à nova realidade do referido período, partindo da premissa de que os militares encontraram formas alternativas de defender seus interesses para enfrentar os desafios que se apresentam / Abstract: The theme of this dissertation is the definition of missions or roles for the Brazilian Anned Forces, specially the Anny, in the post-Cold War period. During the Cold War, the role of the military in BraziL was to stop "the communist menace", following the guidelines ofthe United States, head of the capitalist bloc in the ideological confrontation. The fight against this internal enemyencouraged their political involvement, even leading the military to take over the government. After the authoritarian rule was over, and mainly, with the end ofthe bipolar system ofthe Cold War, a new political-strategic scenario was brought about in the world. ln this scenario, the hypothesis of a new world war as it was fonnerly predicted was no longer valid, neither was there a hypothesis of a regional conflict directly involving Brazil. New threats, such as trafficking in drugs, organized crime, uncontrolled immigration and environmental degradation call the attention of core states to the periphery of the system. Policy-makers suggest guidelines to the use of the anned forces in the then called "Third World", among which the reduction of personnel and investments and the assignment of a police role to the anned forces, of fighting drug traffic and urban riots. Parallel to this, the military also face a gradual erosion of the power they had within the government and the state. This crisis affects the Anned Forces as an institution, now in search of a new place in a democratic environment. This study searched to grasp the dimension of the adaptation of the military, specially the anny personnel, to the new reality of the above mentioned period, assuming that the military found alternative ways of defending their interests to meet the challenges that are set / Mestrado / Ciencia Politica / Mestre em Ciência Política