Orientador: Lia Vera Tomás / Banca: Graziela Bortz / Banca: Mario Videira / Resumo: Merleau-Ponty em O Visível e o Invisível apontou que, nas ciências clássicas, a interpretação e o estudo da realidade física mais recente venham sendo confrontados em seus pressupostos ontológicos de cunho cartesiano. Neste sentido, hoje assume-se como possível parte essencial, intrínseca e inalienável da constituição ontológica da realidade, a relação mutuamente tecida entre observado e observador, e isto conflita com o conceito cartesiano de dicotomia absoluta entre objeto e sujeito. Se nossa hipótese se demonstrar correta, é provável que verifiquemos o mesmo problema com relação à ontologia da música, visto a prolífica e controversa variedade de interpretações dadas ao fazer e fruir musical a partir do séc. XX. Em face dessas considerações, nossa hipótese é a de que talvez seja também necessário considerar, como intrínseco e inalienável à ontologia da música, as relações mutuamente tecidas entre observado (música) e observador (escuta) / Abstract: In The Visible and the Invisible Merleau-Ponty pointed out that, in the classical sciences, interpretation and study of the most recent physical reality has been questioned in its Cartesian ontological presuppositions. In this sense, today it is assumed as possible that the relationship mutually woven between observer and observed could be responsible to the ontological constitution of reality itself, and it conflicts with the Cartesian concept of absolute dichotomy between subject and object. If our hypothesis is correct, this work will reveal that the same problem is present also in the ontology of music, in face of the prolific and controversial variety of interpretations of making and enjoing music from the Twentieth Century. Given these considerations, our hypothesis is that it should be necessity to consider that the relationship mutually woven between observer (listening) and observed (music) concerns to the ontological constitution of music itself / Mestre

Magister Artium - MA

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O presente trabalho constitui um estudo sobre um conjunto de obras pertencentes ao gênero japonês de cunho autobiográfico denominado Romance do Eu, com o intuito de traçar características comuns a essas obras que sirvam como apontamentos para uma morfologia desse gênero surgido no início do século XX. Num primeiro momento, situamos o Romance do Eu no contexto histórico-literário do Japão e apresentamos as discussões de estudiosos japoneses na fase inicial de desenvolvimento dessa forma literária, além da visão de dois estudiosos estrangeiros sobre o gênero. Nesse percurso, traçamos ligações entre as obras estudadas com a repressão ideológica e o exercício da liberdade de expressão na postura acuada e resignada dos protagonistas, encontradas num conjunto de obras analisadas num segundo momento, que vão desde 1906, com a obra Futon (Acolchoado), de Tayama Katai, até o final da Segunda Guerra Mundial. Tais obras revelaram uma sensível e rica diversidade quando analisadas pelos elementos da narrativa que estruturam o texto, mas não foi possível encontrar textualmente aspectos que identificassem o protagonista da obra com seu autor. Na realidade, elas se mostraram uma forma velada de contestação ao sistema autoritário do Japão ao centrarem seu conteúdo em fatos da vida pessoal do autor e parodiarem os romances europeus introduzidos na época. Esse dialogismo do Romance do Eu desenvolve-se também no nível textual da obra de Dazai Osamu, intitulada Pôr-do-Sol, escrita em 1947, logo após a rendição do Japão e ainda sob a ocupação das tropas norte-americanas, incumbidas de iniciar a democratização do país. O estudo desenvolvido nesse terceiro momento mostra que o autor utiliza, ainda, outras formas literárias que privilegiaram a ficção na literatura japonesa, elabora personagens que são desdobramentos de si mesmo e que dialogam entre si e faz uso de diferentes formas narrativas, que se mesclam à intertextualidade de obras japonesas e ocidentais, criando, assim, uma obra que dispensa o rótulo de Romance do Eu e assegura a sobrevivência dessa forma narrativa na prosa moderna do Japão. / ABSTRACT From Katai to Dazai: Notes for Morphology of the Novel of the Self consists of a study on a set of literary works belonging to the autobiographical character Japanese genre denominated Novel of the Self, aiming at outlining common characteristics to these works that serve as notes for a morphology of this genre started in the beginning of the XX century. In a first instance the Novel of the Self is placed in the Japanese historical-literary context and the discussions of Japanese scholars in the initial development phase of this literary form are presented, as well as the vision of two foreign scholars about the genre. In this trajectory are outlined connections of the works studied with the ideological repression and the exercise of the freedom of expression in the cornered and acquiescent posture of protagonists, being these connections found in a set of works analyzed in a second instance, comprehending 1906 with the work of Futon (Quilt) by Tayama Katai, up to the end of the Second World War. Such works have revealed an insightful and rich diversity when analyzed by the elements of the narrative which structure the text, but aspects that could identify the work?s protagonist with its author have not been possible to find textually. As a matter of fact, they have revealed a veiled way of contest to the Japan?s authoritative way as they have focused their content on facts of the author?s personal life and parodied the European novels introduced at that time. This dialogism in the Novel of the Self is also developed on the textual level of the work of Dazai Osamu entitled Sunset, written in 1947, right after the surrender of Japan while under the occupation of the American troops charged with the task of beginning the country?s democratization. The study developed in this third instance reveals that the author uses, in addition, other literary forms that benefit the fiction in the Japanese literature, makes up characters that are developments of himself and that also talk among themselves, and makes use of different forms of narratives that merge to the intertextuality of Japanese and Western works, creating, as a result, a work that excuses the label of Novel of the Self and, assures the endurance of this narrative form in the Japans modern prose.

The aim of this dissertation is the study of postmodern aesthetic theory, as it relates to architecture. Because it was not clear at the outset if the postmodern discourse were relevant to architecture in South Africa, examples in this country will he discussed. Dealing, as it does, with the study of aesthetic theory, the discussion of buildings and the criticism of buildings are not the primary' objectives of this study, although the importance of making arguments applicable to actual buildings as examples is acknowledged. Broad principles in the theory of postmodernism are dealt with first, namely the shifts that have occurred on economic and cultural levels in Western societies during the last three decades. The re-evaluation of Western-culture is discussed, as it relates to the criticism of the Enlightenment tradition and positivism by pragmatist philosophy and the Frankfurt School. In chapter four, which deals with 'culture industry*, then observation that cultural goods are becoming consumer commodities, and the diminishing gap between 'high art' and popular culture, are discussed.

When Oregon voters passed the property tax limitation initiative, Measure 5, and the state legislature enacted school reform under the Oregon Educational Act for the 21st Century during the 1990-91 school year, the trajectory of public schooling in the state changed significantly. After Oregon's tax revolt, the state legislature also enacted legislation that equalized school funding throughout the state. The combination of equalization and the Measure 5 step-down to the $5 per $1000 tax limitation led to a decrease in statewide school funding over the decade. Many wealthy urban districts experienced years of budget cuts, while rural districts received additional funding. Despite differences in school funding, teachers emphasized the importance of student teacher relationships for teaching and learning. This thesis traces the history, passage, and implementation of these pieces of legislation and evaluates the impact of school funding and school reform, two simultaneous but uncoordinated movements, on the school system in the state. Through historical research and oral history interviews with teachers from the large urban district, Portland Public School, and the small rural district, Nyssa School District, this thesis demonstrates that teachers experienced school reform similarly. When school reform implementation relied upon teachers' collaboration to align, develop, and assess curriculum, teachers embraced change. However, when school reform shifted from outcome-based to standards-based, teachers disengaged from the reform process. They rejected reform when standardized testing drove the curriculum, was deemed irrelevant to the lives of their students, utilized inauthentic assessment, did not treat teachers as professionals, and disregarded teachers' knowledge and skills. Teachers viewed their profession as a craft and disagreed with a business model of schools. Taken together, however, school funding and school reform led to a more uniform school system centralized by the state.

The history of World War II has led many Americans to vie~ Benito Mussolini's Fascist Italy and Adolf Hitler's Nazi Germany as European variants of a single Fascist ideology. Ho~ever, in the early years of the Mussolini and Hitler regimes, the conceptual category of international Fascism was by not so well-established, particularly ~here the Nazis were concerned. American and British diplomats stationed in Germany in the early 1930s only occasionally interpreted the rising Nazi party as an offshoot of Fascism, but frequently referred to it as a possible form of or precursor of Bolshevism in Germany. Published and unpublished American foreign policy documents, published British diplomatic documents, and a wide array of secondary sources have contributed information showing how perceptions of Nazism and Bolshevism were influenced by matters that clouded the issues. The similarity of American and British views on the subjects of Bolshevism, Fascism, and Nazism can be attributed to the new understanding among the policy elites of the two nations as they became the leading status quo powers after World War I. The United States in particular had gone through tremendous organizational changes during and after the war, and was entering into a new era of professional and bureaucratized foreign policy that differed from its ad hoc diplomacy of the past. American foreign policy of the interwar period combined a strong interest in business expansion with a relative lack of desire for international political entanglements. American political commitments of the 1920s, particularly in Germany, were backed primarily by loans and investment, and through reparations revision plans designed by unofficial diplomats recruited from the private sector. As American financial commitments to Germany became more dependent on German repayment, and as the Depression tightened its grip, the rise of the Nazis became an ever greater source of alarm. This concern was related not only to their unclear and ill-defined political ideas, but to the threat they seemingly posed to financial stability -- a threat that increased their resemblance to the Bolsheviks in the minds of many diplomatic observers. Various other factors were important in developing the Anglo-American view of Nazism as related to Bolshevism. These included the almost obsessive intensity of anti-Bolshevism in the United States and Great Britain throughout the interwar period; the close association of Bolshevism with economic chaos in the minds of Anglo-American leaders, with a concomitant tendency to see Bolshevism developing wherever economic chaos occurred in Europe; and the strong admiration for Mussolini's Italy in both Britain and the United States, which precluded possibilities of seeing much in common between Italian Fascism and Nazism during this period. Some important sources of conceptual confusion were inherent in the policies of Germany's post-World War I Weimar Republic. Leading German diplomats and politicians of the republic, such as Gustav Stresemann, used Anglo-American fears of Bolshevism as a cornerstone of their policy to gain revisions and modifications of the harsh terms of the Versailles Treaty. In the early 1930s, the "Bolshevism bogey" was used by Ambassador Frederic Sackett, a political appointee of Herbert Hoover, to get Hoover's attention so that he would modify reparations policy in favor of Sackett's friend, the embattled Chancellor Heinrich Bruning. The internal factions of the rising Nazi party, including the left-leaning wing led by Gregor Strasser, appeared to give some credence to the idea that the Nazis could harbor communistic elements. After Hitler's rise to the chancellorship in 1933, American and British observers began to note more resemblances between the Hitler and Mussolini regimes. However, many of their earlier observations about the similarities of Nazism and Bolshevism have validity in terms of the more totalitarian nature of these regimes as compared to Italian Fascism and its other less extreme variants.

Tulsa, Oklahoma's historically African American neighborhood of Greenwood in North Tulsa has long been contested terrain. Built by black settlers beginning in the late nineteenth-century, the neighborhood evolved into a vibrant community challenged by waves of violence--segregation at statehood in 1907, the Tulsa Race Riot of 1921, ongoing disinvestment, and processes of urban renewal beginning in the late 1950s--that contributed to the erosion of the neighborhood and the eventual displacement of many area residents into remote housing projects further into North Tulsa. These waves of violence were propelled by Oklahoma lawmakers, local Tulsa government officials, members of the Ku Klux Klan, and private white citizens who worked to expand the city's color line by controlling the placement and visibility of black people in Tulsa and gain ownership of Greenwood--as the neighborhood was, and is, located on desirable land. The people of Greenwood met these waves of violence with acts of resistance. They organized and lobbied against segregation at statehood, fought to save their community during the Tulsa Race Riot, and galvanized to rebuild almost immediately after. They maintained a culture of interdependence that contributed to strength in community and economy. Beginning in the late 1950s, they protested their displacement. However, by the late 1980s, the ravages of slum clearance and expressway building had rendered much of Greenwood unlivable and many residents had no choice but to relocate. The loss of historic place and increased distance between community members made it difficult to maintain their shared identity and culture of interdependence. Taken altogether, these four waves of violence functioned as tools to carry out the city of Tulsa's longstanding agenda of reclaiming the prime urban real estate of Greenwood while broadening the area of land that segregated black & white Tulsa. At the root existed white supremacy: the belief in the inherent superiority of the white race and its fundamental right to dominate society.

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