R. Paul Wiley, Robert R. Tenney. / Bibliography: p. 34-35. / "March 1985." "24th CDC and Transactions" / "ONR/N00014-77-C-0532 (NR 041-519)" "ONR/N00014-84-K-0519 (NR 649-003)"

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In early 1505, at twenty-nine years of age, Michelangelo began work on a massive tomb for Pope Julius II. The formal, temporal, and constructional intertwinings of this project are plumbed to create the foundation of this text. Finding its only full manifestation in the narratives of Vasari and Condivi, this tomb was the site of Michelangelo's first engagement with the making of architecture. The execution of this project would go on to intermittently occupy nearly half of Michelangelo's lifetime, making it a pivotal and paradigmatic work in the understanding of his opera. Explored as an embodied architectural treatise, the tomb reveals Michelangelo's dynamic process of creative making. Problematic issues in the prevailing Twentieth Century analyses and reconstructions of the tomb are called into question and alternative approaches to establish a deeper understanding of the project are proposed. Conjectures on the relevance of history, the hegemony and limits of analysis, the physical manifestation of ideas, what it means to "finish" a project, and what constitutes a "work," are projected from the foundations of the tomb onto the making of architecture today.

Orientador: Luiz César Marques Filho / Acompanha volume das figuras / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-19T01:20:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Gomes_Waldemar_D.pdf: 14480882 bytes, checksum: c4ca4dbc7e0d446d6cc4b910a9597a3e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Resumo: O sepulcro do Papa Júlio II foi finalizado por Michelangelo em 1545 em San Pietro in Vincoli, em Roma. O projeto final contou com 7 esculturas: 4 do artista e 3 de seus discípulos. Alguns estudiosos têm considerado que ele reuniu esculturas feitas em diversos momentos para se ver livre de uma encomenda que durou 40 anos. As recentes abordagens do significado das esculturas da Vida Ativa e da Vida Contemplativa apontam para a existência de um programa iconográfico definido. Antonio Forcellino afirma que Michelangelo se inspirou no conteúdo do livro Il Beneficio di Cristo para idealizar essas esculturas. Enrico Guidoni diz que o mestre se baseou nas iniciais de Vittoria Colonna e Faustina Mancini para concebê-las. Para Marina Gandini as duas alegorias femininas representam as formas de vida de Moisés, enquanto Maria Forcellino entende que Michelangelo teria tomado Maria Madalena e Santa Caterina como modelo ao criá-las. Quando elaborou essas esculturas, Michelangelo mantinha estreitos laços de amizade com alguns integrantes do movimento reformador italiano e comungava dos mesmos preceitos doutrinários das correntes religiosas dos valdesiani e dos "spirituali" do Circolo di Viterbo. Ao introduzir aquelas duas alegorias no monumento, o artista teria perenizado naqueles mármores a relação entre fé e obras - simbolização daquelas duas formas de vida no mundo cristão -, no tocante à justificação, tal qual essa questão era vista por aqueles reformadores, ou seja, de que apenas a fé detinha o mérito de justificar o pecador diante de Deus, sendo essa fé operadora das boas obras. Ao concebê-las o mestre não teria se baseado em qualquer escrito específico e sim em suas próprias reflexões e conversas mantidas com os interlocutores daquelas correntes sobre a questão da justificação / Abstract: The sepulcher of the pope Jules II was finished by Michelangelo in 1545 at the Church of Saint Peter in Chains, in Rome. The final project counted on 7 sculptures: 4 of them by Michelangelo?s own hands and 3 sculptures made by his assistents. Some Scholars have considered that him assembled sculptures made in different moments of his life to be free of an order that lasted 40 years. The recent approaches on the meaning of the sculptures of Activ Life and Contemplative Life point to the existence of an iconographic programme previously defined by the master. Antonio Forcellino says Michelangelo was inspired by the content of the little book Il Beneficio di Cristo to idealize these sculptures. Enrico Guidoni tells that the master had based on the first letters of the Vittoria Colonna and Faustina Mancini?s names to creat them. To Marina Gandini these sculptures are the two forms of the lives of Moses and for Maria Forcellino Michelangelo took Mary Magdalene and Saint Catherine as models to make them. When he worked on these sculptures Michelangelo had narrow ties of friendship with some persons of the italian reformed movement and communicated some doctrinaire ideals of the religious corrents of the valdesiani and the "spirituali" of the Circle of Viterbo. By introducing that two alegories in that sepulchral monument the artist has immortalized on that marbles the relationship between faith and good works - symbolizations of that two forms of life in the Cristian world -, concerning the justification question, like this question was seen by those reformers, that is to say, that only the faith had the merit to justify the sinner before God, being the good works operated by the faith. In creating them the master did not base in any specific written, but in both his own reflections and the talks he had with the interlocuters of those religious groups on the justification question / Doutorado / Historia da Arte / Doutor em História

Dans cette étude nous cherchons à explorer le lien entre haschich et humour par l'analyse du corpus des récits arabes contenus dans la Rāḥat al-arwāḥ fī l-ḥašīš wa-l-rāḥ (“Le repos des âmes dans le haschich et le vin”) de Badr al-Dīn Abū l-Tuqā al-Badrī (847-894/1443-1489). L'originalité de cette anthologie qui existe en quatre manuscrits dont seulement deux étaient connus à la critique, découle du fait qu'elle est le plus ancien recueil en langue arabe de textes en prose et en vers inspirés du haschich. Dans la première partie, nous abordons le haschich d'un point de vue historique, médicale et juridico-religieux. Longtemps utilisé en médicine et pour la fabrication de cordes et tissus, on ignore quand le cannabis (qinnab) est passé de médicament à substance enivrante et récréative. Cependant l’utilisation de cette herbe était devenue un problème social, si entre le VIIe/XIIIe et le VIIIe/XIVe siècle plusieurs oulémas y consacrèrent des écrits, tant qu'ils l'incluront dans la liste des munkarāt, (les choses blâmables, défendues), à côté du vin (ḫamr), de la fornication (zinā) et de l’homosexualité (liwāṭ). Parallèlement, la littérature n’a pas manqué de représenter l’expérience de psychotropes. Et c'est autour des enjeux littéraires soulevés par cette substance que nous centrons la deuxième partie de notre travail. Par l'étude d'un certain nombre de motifs nous montrons que le personnage du ḥaššāš fonctionne comme un «catalyseur thématique» des motifs littéraires auparavant associés aux ivrognes, aux stupides ou aux fous. L’ordre que nous avons suivi est: la méprise, la stupidité et folie, le rapport au rêve et à l’imaginaire et l'avidité. Nous concluons sur le fait que le passage à la littérature du motif du mangeur de haschich représente le processus de cristallisation d’une figure narrative à potentiel fortement humoristique, née dans la première époque post-abbasside et dérivée d’une série de matériaux narratifs attribués auparavant à d’autres figures littéraires. / In this study we explore the link between hashish and humor through the analysis of Arabic stories contained in the Rāḥat al-arwāḥ fī l-ḥašīš wa-l-rāḥ (“The delight of the souls on hashish and wine”), written by Badr al-Dīn Abū l-Tuqā al-Badrī (847-894/1443-1489), that exists in four manuscripts of which only two were known until now. This work, of which no complete edition has been established yet, seems to be the oldest and most comprehensive Arabic anthology containing poetry and anecdotes inspired by hashish. In the first part we discuss hashish from a historical, medical, legal and religious perspective. Early on, hashish was used in medical treatments and for the manufacture of ropes and fabrics but it is not clear when cannabis (qinnab) has changed from a remedy into an intoxicating and a recreational substance. However, the use of this herb had become a social problem, since between the VIIth/XIIIth and the VIIIth/XIVth centuries several ʿulamā’ wrote about it and the consumption of hashish was considered among the munkarāt (forbidden or reprehensible actions), as well as wine (ḫamr), fornication (zinā) and homosexuality (liwāṭ). Literature quickly represented the psychotropic experiences. Thus the aesthetics of hashish consumption is the main issue of the second part of our study. There, we focus on some comic motifs that appear in a number of anecdotes and we prove that the ḥaššāš character acts as a «thematic catalyst» of literary motifs which were associated in classical Arabic literature with drunkenness, insanity and foolishness. Thus, the order of our presentation is: the mistake; hashish, insanity and foolishness; dream and imagination and finally food and avidity. We infer from this, that the hashish eater as literary motif represents the process of crystallization of a humorous narrative character that took shape during the first part of the post-abbasid period and developed from a series of narrative materials earlier attributed to other literary figures.

Dans cette étude nous cherchons à explorer le lien entre haschich et humour par l'analyse du corpus des récits arabes contenus dans la Rāḥat al-arwāḥ fī l-ḥašīš wa-l-rāḥ (“Le repos des âmes dans le haschich et le vin”) de Badr al-Dīn Abū l-Tuqā al-Badrī (847-894/1443-1489). L'originalité de cette anthologie qui existe en quatre manuscrits dont seulement deux étaient connus à la critique, découle du fait qu'elle est le plus ancien recueil en langue arabe de textes en prose et en vers inspirés du haschich. Dans la première partie, nous abordons le haschich d'un point de vue historique, médicale et juridico-religieux. Longtemps utilisé en médicine et pour la fabrication de cordes et tissus, on ignore quand le cannabis (qinnab) est passé de médicament à substance enivrante et récréative. Cependant l’utilisation de cette herbe était devenue un problème social, si entre le VIIe/XIIIe et le VIIIe/XIVe siècle plusieurs oulémas y consacrèrent des écrits, tant qu'ils l'incluront dans la liste des munkarāt, (les choses blâmables, défendues), à côté du vin (ḫamr), de la fornication (zinā) et de l’homosexualité (liwāṭ). Parallèlement, la littérature n’a pas manqué de représenter l’expérience de psychotropes. Et c'est autour des enjeux littéraires soulevés par cette substance que nous centrons la deuxième partie de notre travail. Par l'étude d'un certain nombre de motifs nous montrons que le personnage du ḥaššāš fonctionne comme un «catalyseur thématique» des motifs littéraires auparavant associés aux ivrognes, aux stupides ou aux fous. L’ordre que nous avons suivi est: la méprise, la stupidité et folie, le rapport au rêve et à l’imaginaire et l'avidité. Nous concluons sur le fait que le passage à la littérature du motif du mangeur de haschich représente le processus de cristallisation d’une figure narrative à potentiel fortement humoristique, née dans la première époque post-abbasside et dérivée d’une série de matériaux narratifs attribués auparavant à d’autres figures littéraires. / In this study we explore the link between hashish and humor through the analysis of Arabic stories contained in the Rāḥat al-arwāḥ fī l-ḥašīš wa-l-rāḥ (“The delight of the souls on hashish and wine”), written by Badr al-Dīn Abū l-Tuqā al-Badrī (847-894/1443-1489), that exists in four manuscripts of which only two were known until now. This work, of which no complete edition has been established yet, seems to be the oldest and most comprehensive Arabic anthology containing poetry and anecdotes inspired by hashish. In the first part we discuss hashish from a historical, medical, legal and religious perspective. Early on, hashish was used in medical treatments and for the manufacture of ropes and fabrics but it is not clear when cannabis (qinnab) has changed from a remedy into an intoxicating and a recreational substance. However, the use of this herb had become a social problem, since between the VIIth/XIIIth and the VIIIth/XIVth centuries several ʿulamā’ wrote about it and the consumption of hashish was considered among the munkarāt (forbidden or reprehensible actions), as well as wine (ḫamr), fornication (zinā) and homosexuality (liwāṭ). Literature quickly represented the psychotropic experiences. Thus the aesthetics of hashish consumption is the main issue of the second part of our study. There, we focus on some comic motifs that appear in a number of anecdotes and we prove that the ḥaššāš character acts as a «thematic catalyst» of literary motifs which were associated in classical Arabic literature with drunkenness, insanity and foolishness. Thus, the order of our presentation is: the mistake; hashish, insanity and foolishness; dream and imagination and finally food and avidity. We infer from this, that the hashish eater as literary motif represents the process of crystallization of a humorous narrative character that took shape during the first part of the post-abbasid period and developed from a series of narrative materials earlier attributed to other literary figures.

Network monitoring is a necessity for both reducing downtime and ensuring rapid response in the case of software or hardware failure. Unfortunately, one of the most widely used protocols for monitoring networks, the Simple Network Management Protocol (SNMPv3), does not offer an acceptable level of confidentiality or integrity for these services. In this paper, we demonstrate two attacks against the most current and secure version of the protocol with authentication and encryption enabled. In particular, we demonstrate that under reasonable conditions, we can read encrypted requests and forge messages between the network monitor and the hosts it observes. Such attacks are made possible by an insecure discovery mechanism, which allows an adversary capable of compromising a single network host to set the keys used by the security functions. Our attacks show that SNMPv3 places too much trust on the underlying network, and that this misplaced trust introduces vulnerabilities that can be exploited.