Wang Tao (1828-1897) had significant contributions in various fields, including the press, education and translation. He spared no effort to introduce advanced western ideas to China. These contributions and his dramatic life aroused the interest of scholars. In recent years, scholars noted the achievements of his fiction-writing and and published a large number of papers on this topic. However, his achievements in poetry-writing did not receive much attention. In order to fill this gap, the present thesis focuses on Wang Tao’s poetry-writing, aiming to give a comprehensive survey of his poems written before his exile to Hong Kong in 1862. The thesis is divided into five chapters. Chapter one illustrates the research background, the scope of the study and the research methodology employed. Chapter two is an analytical account of Wang Tao’s life with particular emphasis on how important events in his life influenced the styles of his poems. Chapter three illustrates Wang Tao’s concept of poetry-writing. Chapter four discusses the contents, artistry and styles of Wang’s poems in the specified period. Chapter five is the conclusion. It sums up the characteristics of Wang Tao’s early poetry and gives a critical account of the comments made by various reviewers. Wang Tao claimed that the style of his early poems was soft and plaintive（側媚）. It became “wild and unrestrained” （豪放粗獷）after he had experienced serious mishaps in his life. This drastic change has been fully addressed in the thesis. / published_or_final_version / Chinese / Master / Master of Philosophy

This thesis studies the Qing women’s writings on the Dream of the Red Chamber. Qing women’s comments on the novel formed an important aspect of the second high tide of women’s literature in late imperial China. By examining these writings, I intend to reveal how the women authors mediated with the Confucian morality and how they exerted influence on the literary tradition from its inside. I also intend to examine the women authors’ self-representations and their reflections on the actual world they lived in. The thesis consists of five chapters. Chapter one introduces the historical background of the rise of women’s writings on the Dream of the Red Chamber, and proceeds to discuss women’s self-representations under the influence of the Chinese literary tradition, as well as the conflict between morality and literary talent they often felt. I will also briefly summarize previous scholarly works concerning this subject. Chapter two analyzes Qing women’s poetic works and literary activities concerning the novel. I will make a few observations on the general tendency of women’s responses to the novel by examining their writing conditions, communities, the points they wanted to articulate, and their literary skills. Chapter three and four investigate two women writers, namely, Wu Lanzheng and Gu Taiqing, respectively. Among the dramatic works adapted from the novel, Jiang Heng Qiu by Wu is known to be the only existing work written by a female author. In this part of my discussion, I will include Wu’s poetic works on the novel and her personal experiences to shed light on the dramatic work. On the other hand, Honglou Meng Ying (The shadow of the Dream of the Red chamber) by Gu is the most profound and extensive response to the original novel by a female author. Considering that Gu’s life was quite similar to the literary characters in the book and a variety of her writings have survived, I will conduct a detailed study of her poetic and dramatic works before I look into her novel. The closing chapter draws conclusions from the previous chapters in the following three aspects: first, the influence of the textual world on the reality; second, women writers’ tendency of adopting the values of morality and literary talent concurrently, as well as their contributions to the literary tradition; and, third, the significance of Gu Taiqing’s case and Honglou meng ying. To sum up, inspired by the Dream of the Red Chamber, the Qing women authors undertook a rich variety of literary activities which demonstrated the complex relations between self and writing, and these women’s life experiences and creative activities also constituted an earthly picture of the “red chambers”. / published_or_final_version / Chinese / Master / Master of Philosophy

toc / Chinese Historical Studies / Master / Master of Arts

published_or_final_version / Chinese / Master / Master of Philosophy

published_or_final_version / Chinese / Master / Master of Philosophy

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After the capture of Taiwan, the Qing Court devoted its energy to securing China's northern border. While fending off the invasion of Russia and Dzungar, Emperors Kangxi, Yongzheng and Qianlong exposed the Southeast maritime frontier to pirates and the British merchants who continued to harass Guangdong during the Jiaqing-Daoguang era. With the support of the Tây Sơn dynasty, pirates in the South China Sea formed an alliance that controlled the major waterways of Guangdong. The discovery of new routes to the East opened new markets for European countries. England seized the opportunity to attack Macao Bocca twice, to break into Tigris and eventually to wage the Opium War. Responding to the growing threat towards her coastal defense, the Qing government dispatched several Viceroys of Liangguang (Guangdong and Guangxi) and Guangdong Commanders in Chief to launch a range of counter measures. In both wars, official used the strategic of coastal defense, in order to cut off the supplement from inland against the pirates and the United Kingdom. Although the pirates and the United Kingdom were different enemies, Qing government used the same method that was not accidental. In the early Qing, coastal defense was managed by the provincial government. Therefore, the development of coastal defense was affected by the quantity of provincial government's resource. Because of the Qing government strictly controlled provincial government's finance; Guangdong's coastal defense was a passive and conservative system. In the context of globalization, Guangdong's coastal defense was challenged by pirates and the United Kingdom. At that time, Navy of Guangdong was weaker than its opponent. As a result, Viceroys of Liangguang (Guangdong and Guangxi) and Guangdong Commanders in Chief insisted to defense the coast line. They believed the opponents would be starved in the sea, however, the result was totally different. Why officials used the same method to deal with pirates and the United Kingdom will be explored in this article, so as to reflect the situation of Guangdong's coastal defense in Jiaqing and Daoguang's era = 自收復台灣後，東南海洋一直處於和平狀態，反觀在北方國境，俄羅斯及準噶爾部卻嚴重威脅清朝的國防。經過康、雍、乾三朝的努力，清廷終於解決北部的邊防問題。但此一形勢在嘉慶、道光年間產生變化，廣東海防卻要面對兩大強敵──海盜與英國。藉着越南西山政權的幫助，廣東海盜乘勢崛興，控制航道，專注於打劫往來船隻，更組成強大的聯盟。而西方國家亦積極東來尋找市場、商品，英國亦為其中之一。為改變與中國貿易的情況，英國曾兩次試圖入侵澳門、強闖虎門，更發動鴉片戰爭，令廣東海防面臨嚴重威脅。在迎戰海盜、英國的過程中，清廷先後委任多名兩廣總督、水師提督，試圖阻止這些強敵。為方便研究，本文選擇當中的重要人物，觀察他們的應敵之道。嘉慶十年（1805），海盜組成大聯盟，勢力如日方中，而那彥成、吳熊光、百齡正是於此時出任兩廣總督。道光十四年（1834）發生律盧卑事件，清廷又先後以關天培、林則徐南下廣東，積極改善虎門防務，防止英國進犯。在兩場戰爭中，當時的官員都堅持嚴守海岸的戰略，以封鎖政策截斷內地物資供應，對抗海盜及英國。面對不同的敵人，清廷使用相同方法並非偶然。海防在清代前期由地方自行管理，所以發展受到地方資源多寡的影響。由於清廷嚴格限制地方財政，加上受地形影響，廣東海防只能維持被動和保守的體制。在全球化的背景下，海盜及英國乘時而起挑戰廣東海防。當時廣東水師實力不及對手，所以兩廣總督、水師提督都固守海岸防線，期望將對手困死海上，但是效果卻是截然不同。本文將探討為何有關官員使用相同方法，應對海盜、英國的入侵的原因，從而反映嘉慶、道光年間廣東海防的情況。

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Cette thèse propose une évaluation comparative des attitudes de la dynastie Qing face à l’Angleterre et la Russie aux XVIIe – XVIIIe siècles, particulièrement autour de l’ambassade Macartney de 1793 et de la ratification des Traités de Nerchinsk (1689) et de Kiaktha (1727). Plusieurs réponses ont été proposées par les historiens pour tenter d’expliquer pourquoi les Mandchous ont accepté de signer des ententes frontalières avec la Russie, tout en refusant systématiquement de négocier quoi que ce soit avec l’Angleterre. Plutôt que d’ajouter une autre voix à la recherche d’explications des causes de ces divergences à partir d’une essentialisation de la culture et de la tradition chinoises, nous croyons que ces attitudes s’inscrivent toujours dans la contingence des rencontres et qu’elles reproduisent d’importantes similitudes selon des modalités particulières. Ces modalités se retrouvent au cœur d’une dynamique identitaire que nous appelons l’actualisation frontalière, faisant la part entre l’intérieur et l’extérieur, se trouvant à la jonction de l’affirmation territoriale et des processus de légitimation politique. Selon notre modèle théorique de l’actualisation frontalière, les relations diplomatiques de la dynastie Qing aux XVIIe – XVIIIe siècles doivent d’abord se lire comme des relations frontalières qui reproduisent une certaine constance, davantage en fonction de l’intensité de l’éloignement et de la complexité géopolitique, plutôt qu’en fonction des institutions ou des règles prescrites, des configurations territoriales, des événements ou même des spécificités des populations impliquées. Cette perspective nous permet de reconnaître des similitudes stratégiques dans la fluctuation des réactions et des attitudes de la dynastie Qing, reproduisant les mêmes dynamiques face à l’Angleterre et la Russie, mais aussi à l’occasion, face aux Hollandais, Dzungares, Portugais, Solons, Khalkhas, ainsi que face aux Chinois des provinces du littoral. Notre modèle théorique apparaît comme un filtre frontalier, reposant d’abord sur l’intégration par le Trône des populations périphériques, à cheval entre l’intérieur et l’extérieur du territoire de l’Empire Qing, demeurant le creuset sur lequel se fondent toutes les attitudes, les représentations et les stratégies à l’égard de l’étranger. / This thesis proposes a comparative evaluation of Qing dynasty’s attitudes toward England and Russia during the 17th – 18th centuries. Historians have offered number of answers trying to explain why the Manchus have accepted to sign frontier agreements with Russia in 1689 and 1727 (Treaty of Nerchinsk and of Kiaktha) while refusing systematically to negotiate anything whatsoever with England during the Macartney Embassy of 1793. Instead of adding another voice to a type of research based on trying to find causes for the explanation of different attitudes, which are too often leading to essentializing Chinese culture and traditions, we’re trying to show how attitudes toward strangers are always rooted in contingencies and how they reproduce important similarities according to specific modalities. Those modalities are at the heart of a dynamic process of political self-identification that we call frontier actualization. This frontier actualization plays the crucial role of a filter separating and distinguishing the realm of the Inner and the Outer, and is to be found at the junction of territoriality and political legitimization. Through the lens of this dynamic filter, one can recognize that attitudes and strategies of the Qing dynasty toward strangers are reproducing the same pattern, according to the intensity of the distance toward central power and geopolitical complexities, rather than according to a prescribe set of rules and institutions, traditions, territory, events, and also the populations involved. Because diplomatic strategies are first rooted in the process of integrating peripheral populations, it is possible to recognize a similar pattern in the fluctuating attitudes toward England and Russia, but also toward Dzungars, Khalkhas, Holland, Solons, and even toward the Chinese population living on the different frontiers of the Empire.

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