This thesis examines architectural discourse and spatial practices as manifestations and experiences of order in eighteenth-century Qing dynasty China. It reviews the development of the historiography of Chinese architectural history as an academic discipline, and proposes that in the Qing there was an unprecedented rupture between domestic architectural style from that of the court. An alternative design strategy in spatial planning and detailing was adopted. It is argued that the Qing architectural discourse, its intertextuality, was implicitly linked to the historical formation of the Qing self, and that it was pivotal to the rise of domestic culture. The study approaches architecture as historical statements and arguments, and focuses on the production of space, human agency, gender, and subject positioning in early modern China. The study analyzes the Yugong mansion, Beijing, the Rong mansion in the Qing novel The Dream of the Red Chamber, and the Manchu imperial city, as examples.

由14位作者寫於17世紀、收於耶穌會羅馬館的28篇祭禮文獻，是迄今所見最早一批出自中國士人信徒之手，在禮儀之爭期間就傳教士對祭祖禮的顧慮作出回應的文章。按內容來看，傳教士的顧慮可歸納為兩類，一是採取詢問的方式，向這批士人信徒請教與祭祀相關的問題，二是對祭祖禮已持有否定態度，致令這批作者撰文予以反駁。從祭祖禮的觀點方面來說，28篇文獻作者主要是從祭祖本義、祭祖禮是否真的含有與天主教信仰相牴觸的成份等兩方面，進行論述。對於前者，他們認為祭祖源於人情、德育及治國三方面的需要；對於後者，他們指祭祖禮既無求福的成份，亦不認為祖先仍會來格來饗於祭祀現場，因此祭祖之槍祭"與祭上帝之槍祭"在本質上迥異。雖然在該如何理人死後的靈魂狀態、嘏辭是否在當時社會中已無人應用等細節上，個別作者有不同的意見，然而他們基本上是一致認為祭祖禮應允許中國信徒繼續奉行。從立論方式來說，28篇文獻作者中縱使有個別作者對某些儒家經典的可信性存疑，但他們大多仍是主要採用經學進路，強調先王、孔子、儒學的地位及中國文字用法有其特別之處，援引儒家經典、尤其是《禮記》對祭祖禮的描述，以及宋儒的觀點、當中又尤以朱熹為主，作為探討時的論據. 以28篇與其所身處的明末清初時期經學主流相較而言，他們的確反映了當時整體經學風氣所尚--以朱熹為宗、漸開漢宋兼爭之勢。不過，對於祭祖禮本義的理解，比對作為當時經學相關方面的代表人物--朱熹及其學派的陳澔、納蘭性德等人的觀點，在情、德、治三方面之外，朱熹等人並不否認祭祖求福、相信祖先能來格來饗，朱子甚至認為祭祖的本義之一，就是在於以祭祀之誠讓祖先的魂魄能夠得以安頓。以28篇與其所身處17世紀來華傳教士、教廷相較而言，耶穌會傳教士的觀點最與28篇相近，他們注意到祭祖禮在情、德方面對中國人的意義，認為仍有允許中國信徒奉行祭祀的價值。然而，多明我會、方濟各會傳教士則持定相反意見，他們的關注點不在於祭祖禮對中國人的意義、價值，而是禮儀中所存在的求福於祖先、相信祖先仍能來格來饗等成份，與天主教信仰相悖。至於教廷，則會按傳教士上呈的資料，而對祭祖禮是否仍能奉行於信徒之間，在答覆時作出相應的調整。立論方式上，除耶穌會與多明我會的萬濟國，會引用中國儒家經典作為討論依據外，托缽修會的傳教士主要是按眼見當時社會上祭祖禮情況作出判斷。雖然在論述過程中，28篇文獻一方面與明末清初經學主流對於祭祖禮本義的理解存在歧異，另一方面亦出現對經典的錯解、邏輯上的謬誤等若干不足；但是，不管是讓後世得以更全面地認識禮儀之爭這段歷史，抑或是為當代有關槍祭祖"問題的研究帶來參考與啟發，這批文獻皆具有重要的價值。Abstract The 28 documents, collected by the Society of Jesus Roman Archive, were written in 17th century by 14 authors. They were possibly the earliest Chinese scholar-believers that discussed with the western missionaries about the concept of ancestral offering ritual during the Chinese Rites Controversy. Since the ancestral offering ritual had been held negative attitude, the scholars had to write these documents for refuting. For the ancestral offering ritual, the authors mainly discussed the original meaning of ancestral offering ritual, and consider whether it is in contravention of the Catholic faith. They believed that ancestral offering ritual contained three elements: humanity(人情), morality(德育) and social order(治國). They neither looked for blessings from ancestors nor thought that the spirits of ancestors would be present to the ritual, thus, the ancestral offering and the offering sacrifice to God were different in nature. Though individual authors had different views on the state of the spirits of ancestors, they agreed that ancestral offering ritual should be allowed to continue to practice among Chinese believers. Most of the authors mainly used the Confucian Classics Approach(經學進路) to make their arguments. They took Confucian, especially the "Book of Ritual", and Zhu Xi of Song Dynasty as the main sources to present their.;arguments of ancestral offering ritual. However, apart from the three elements, Zhu did not deny that ancestral offering ritual was to seek blessings, and believed that the spirits of ancestors would be present to the ritual. Zhu even believed that ancestral offering ritual was for settling the spirits of ancestors. The view of the Society of Jesus was closed to that of the authors. They noted that the significances of ancestral offering ritual to Chinese people were more about humanity and morality, and thought that it was worthy for Chinese believers to practice the ancestral offering ritual. However, the Dominican and the Franciscan missionaries held of opposite view. Their concerns were not the significances and values of ancestral offering ritual, but the behaviour of seeking blessings from ancestors and the belief of the presence of the spirits of ancestors. In the Chinese Rites Controversy, the Society of Jesus and the Francisco Varo of Dominicans referred Confucian as the basis for their discussions. The Mendicant missionaries mainly depended on the situation at that time in the society to make judgments. The Vatican was only according to the information from missionaries to make corresponding judgments that whether the ancestral offering ritual was being allowed to practice among Chinese believers. Although there are discrepancies and some logical fallacies between the 28 documents and the Confucian Classics of Ming and Qing Dynasties about the understanding of the original meaning of ancestral offering ritual, these documents can bring great inspiration on the contemporary research of ancestral offering ritual and make a more comprehensive reorganization of the history of Chinese Rites Controversy.

No description available.

No description available.

published_or_final_version / Chinese / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences / Department of History

明末清初的散文發展，前人或以載道觀念論之，或以抒情觀念論之，又或以流派分梳論之，各有其理，亦各有其弊。本人認為，明末清初散文發展自有其一以貫之的內在邏輯，因而本文力圖探尋其內在邏輯，重建其發展軌跡。本文指出，文道關係正是影響明末清初散文發展的關鍵因素，時人對於文道關係的不同詮釋與理解，決定了當時散文發展的方向。 / 「古文傳統」與「小品傳統」，是理解明清之際散文發展的重要概念。特別是周作人等以抒情為宗旨建構的「小品傳統」，對理解這一段散文史，產生了深遠的影響。然而本文通過考察「小品傳統」的建構過程，以及其所反抗的「古文傳統」之內涵，並辨析二者關係，相比起「古文傳統」內部「載道、唐宋、法度」的體系，「小品傳統」自身存在局限，並不足以貫穿明清散文的發展。相反，考察晚明小品文家的古文觀，清初古文家的小品創作，本文以為小品儘管一度興盛，然而「古文傳統」才是其時古文發展的主軸。 / 「古文傳統」既是關鍵所在，則如何詮釋文道關係是其時文壇的重要問題。本文指出明清之際的文道論接續了唐宋以來古文家與理學家的討論，並面臨如何承繼二者而有所發展的問題。本文通過辨析各家對文道合一的詮釋，考索其時文道論與唐宋古文家、理學家的論述之關係，指出明清之際的文人一方面推崇理學家道的修養，一方面提倡古文家的文章造詣，來達到文道合一。並通過加強文與經之間的關係，強調文必本於經典，來彌合古文家與理學家的分歧。 / 本文同時以錢謙益、黃宗羲、侯方域、汪琬為中心，具體討論明清之際文道關係的發展過程。指出錢謙益通過批評復古派，推崇反經，提出性情、學問與世運的主張，以道決定文的思路，拉開重建古文傳統的序幕。黃宗羲則在錢謙益的基礎上，通過擴大性情的內涵，以及道在審美上的包容性，重新詮釋文道關係。然而明清之際對侯方域的評價之轉變，從肯定其古文主張，到批評其小說筆法，恰正體現道決定文的思路在重建古文傳統過程中遇到的困境。汪琬則從道的層面維護程朱理學，從文的層面肯定復古派，批評錢謙益，排斥小說筆法，試圖通過文道並重的方法來解決困境。可以說明清之際古文的發展，正是從道決定文走向文道並重的過程。 / Prose development in late Ming and early Qing periods is accounted for by scholars in terms of the theories of Confucianism, the concepts of lyricism or the summaries of different schools of classical prose. This study holds the belief that the prose development within this period of time has its consistent internal logic, and its aim is to establish a new theory to explain and restore the track of such development based on the existing theories by previous scholars. This study points out that the relationship between dao 道 and wen 文 is the major element influencing the prose development in late Ming and early Qing; the interpretation and comprehension of it dictates the direction of prose development. / The two different traditions of classical prose and familiar essay are key concepts in understanding the prose development in late Ming and early Qing, especially the latter, which was constructed by Zhou Zuo-ren under the principle of lyricism. Based on the examination of its establishment, the nature of classical prose tradition it defies, and the relationship between the two, this study reveals that the familiar essay tradition was bound by its limitations which rendered it insufficient in accounting for the entire prose development of the whole period, in contrast to the internal system of classical prose tradition. The review of the view on classical prose by familiar essay writers in late Ming and the familiar essay output of classical prose writers in early Qing indicate that the classical prose tradition was then the main pillar of prose development and familiar essay was its subsidiary, despite its once high popularity. / With classical prose tradition being the key to prose development in late Ming and early Qing, the interpretation of the relationship between dao and wen was a significant issue in the ancient literary society. This study points out that when the scholars in late Ming and early Qing discussed dao and wen, such discussion was a continuation of that contributed by the masters of prose writing and philosophers of Neo-Confucianism since Tang and Song Dynasties, which relates to the problem of finding ways to advance through inheriting the two notions. Literary society in the past upheld the idea of fusing dao and wen. By analyzing the different interpretations of such fusion by various parties, this study investigates the relationship between the discussion of dao and wen in late Ming and early Qing dynasties and also that in Tang and Song dynasties, pointing out that by strengthening the relationship between prose and classics and emphasizing the classical basis of prose, it bridges the gap between Neo-Confucian philosophers’ morality and classical prose writers’ literariness. / Lastly, this study discusses the specific development of the theory of dao and wen during late Ming and early Qing through four case studies, namely, Qian Qian-yi’s criticism on Revival Theory, Huang Zong-xi’s theory of qing 情, the changing reviews on Hou Fang-yu, and Wang Wan’s criticism on Qian Qian-yi and fictional prose. Qian’s criticism marked the beginning of the revival of classical prose tradition during late Ming and early Qing, where he promoted the returning to classic, proposing the concept of qing and knowledge being complementary and the idea of dao determining wen. Huang, based on Qian’s thoughts, reinterpreted the relationship between dao and wen by further expanding the pool of connotations of qing and the aesthetic comprehensiveness of dao. / However, the phenomenon of scholars agreeing on Hou Fang-yu’s stand on classical prose while excoriating his ‘fictional style of prose writing techniques’小說筆法 reflects the predicament faced by the idea of dao determining wen in the process of reconstructing the classical prose tradition. Wang tried to resolve such predicament through putting emphasis on both dao and wen, defending neo-confucianism from the aspect of dao and affirming Ming Classicalists from that of wen, while criticizing Qian and rejecting fictional style. All these illustrate that classical prose development during Late Ming and Early Qing is a process of the transition from dao determining wen to emphasizing both dao and wen. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 李向昇. / Parallel title from added title page. / Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2014. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 215-229). / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Li Xiangsheng.

本文旨在研究明儒郝敬之經學業績及其經學巨作《九經解》對清初經學之興起，對理學到經學的典範轉移所起的全面而決定性的影響。本文是從思想史角度研究郝敬經學之發生及其動力。 / 以掛冠歸家、閉戶解經為標誌，郝敬的生涯被劃分成了前後兩個完全不同的階段。前經學時期作為士大夫的郝敬，其志趣乃是為政與文人生活。在他完成解經後，我們可以看到他的種種轉變：由早年的喜好佛道而轉向對佛老的激烈批判，從而區別於晚明盛行的三教合一論者；與此一體的是他重整作為儒家禮教重心的喪、祭二禮；他由早年的仰慕李贄而轉向激烈批判李贄。這些都可視為批評異端的行為。而就儒學內部而言，他亦由早年的喜好理學而轉向對之作全面的系統性批評，批評其中所參雜的佛學。他的走向全面解經亦同時意味著對於朱子經學的全面性批判，他反對將《大學》、《中庸》從《禮記》中單獨抽出而與《論語》、《孟子》合為《四書》，欲以《九經》的架構取代朱子的理學建構下的《四書五經》的架構。郝敬所做的這一層層的破的工作，最後，是要回到孔子及其原典《論語》那裡。將這些選擇性行為合而觀之，可視為他對“純化儒學之追求，這點正是後來清學之追求所在。這些討論亦顯示經學這一知識樣態乃是儒學的整體性變化的一部分。 / 郝敬經解既區別于理學解經之追求“宗旨，亦區別于漢儒解經之重在訓詁，是要在宋儒解經與漢儒解經之外，建立另一新的解經系統。他批評後世儒者解經“專執典要，而強調“不可為典要，又強調“識、“辨，由此形成其作為群經辨偽之集大成之解經特色。這同時也帶來他的經解既富創辟，同時又有臆斷的特色。 / 郝敬經解極大影響了復社的陳子龍（1608-1647）、朱鶴齡（1606-1683）、朱朝瑛（1605-1670）、錢澄之（1612-1694）、陳啟源（？-1689）等。它對黃宗羲（1610-1695）、黃宗炎（1616-1686）兄弟由心學轉向經學起了決定性作用，黃氏甬上講經會正是讀郝敬經解。郝敬經學更影響黃宗羲的下一代人，如門人萬斯大（1633-1683）、萬斯同（1638-1702）兄弟以及與他們交遊的閻若璩（1636-1704）、姚際恒（1647-約1715）、毛奇齡（1623-1716）、胡渭（1633-1714）、朱彝尊（1629-1709）這一活躍在京師北京的清初經學最重要的文人圈。萬斯大評價郝敬 “窮經者盡宗之，一語道出了郝敬經學在當時的“宗師位置。而被清儒視為清代經學開山者的閻若璩、胡渭之立說乃直接出自郝敬。從郝敬的經學到清初的經學辨偽，可以看到清學是從晚明內部自然產生出來的，郝敬對於清學的發生所起的作用比顧炎武（1613-1682）、黃宗羲、閻若璩、胡渭等更直接、更早，也更全方位。 / 在清初，《康熙字典》、御撰各經的傳說，以及其他種種御制、欽定著作都大量引用郝敬之說。清初私塾課本對於各經的解釋都收有郝敬的東西，可以看出郝敬對於清代從國家、士人到民間私塾各個層面的全面影響。由郝敬對於晚明、清初經學的全方位影響，直至持續影響到雍正以至乾隆初年近百年這些眾多的材料證明：由於郝敬《九經解》的出現，清人所謂明人無學無經學之說可休矣。郝敬以一人之偉力，以其《九經解》全面開啟了清代經學。 / 郝敬既全面批評朱子，又激烈批評鄭玄關於《三禮》的訓詁，尤其是其攻鄭玄，終於使得郝敬之經著雖然影響了各個層面的學問，而受其影響者的著作反被大量收入於《四庫》，其中有的亦被視為清學之開山，而郝敬的經學著作卻沒有一本收錄於《四庫》，都只在存目，趨於湮沒。郝敬經學在後世湮沒的另一個原因則是乾嘉家法，即新的學術典範的出現以及愈來愈嚴厲化的典範展現。 / This thesis studies the comprehensive influence of the Ming Dynasty Confucian Hao Jing's study of the Confucian classics and his great work Jiujing jie (Interpretation of Nine Classics) on the characteristics of early Qing study of Confucian classics, which reveals a paradigmatic shift from the learning of Neo-Confucianism prevailing in the Ming. / It begins with a detailed study of Hao Jing’s career as a Confucian scholar-official. Hao Jing's career is divided into two rather different stages, marked by his resigning office and returning home for study of the Confucian classics. In the earlier stage, he was a scholar-official, devoted to governmental affairs but also living parts of a life of a man of letters. He changed in many aspects after he completed his work on re-interpreting the Confucian classics. One notable change is his strong criticism of Buddhism and Daoism, thus delineating himself from the advocacy of the syncretism of “three religions of Confucianism , Daoism and Buddhism that prevailed in the late Ming Dynasty. As a result , he proposed restructured funeral and sacrifice etiquettes that were the center of Confucian rituals. He gave up his admiration for Li Zhi, the late Ming critic of traditional values and conformities, but criticized him sharply. As for the study of Confucianism , Hao Jing no longer loved Neo-Confucianism as he did in his early years. Relatedly, he launched systematic criticism of Buddhist elements in Neo-Confucianism. His total involvement in re-interpreting the Confucian classics also meant his all out criticism of Zhu Xi’s Neo-Confucianism. He was against the separation of the Daxue (The Great Learning) and the Zhongyong (The Doctrine of the Mean) from the Liji (Book of Rites) and their subsequent merge with The Confucian Analects and The Mencius to form the Sishu (The Four Books). He proposed to replace the structure of Sishu wujing (The Four Books and Five Classics) under the Neo-Confucian framework established by Zhu Xi by a structure of Jiujing (Nine Classics). The originality of Hao Jing can be traced to the personality of Confucius and his words in The Confucian Analects. Hao Jing’s words and deeds can be considered as reflections of his pursuit of “purified Confucianism, which was what mainstream Qing Confucian scholarship was seeking for. Hao’s classical discourses reveal a solid part of the overal changes in Confucianism of Ming and Qing times. / Different from Neo-Confucian pursuits of doctrinal “tenets （zongzhi）and Han Confucian exegesis that highlights annotation of words in ancient books, Hao’s interpretations of the Confucian classics were intended to establish a new system of classics exegesis. While criticizing later Confucians for “insisting on fixed standards in interpreting the classics, he stressed that Confucians should be capable of “understanding the truth of the classics and “distinguishing the falsification of classical texts. He is a master of that. But that also led to his novel but arbitrary interpretations of the classics. / Hao Jing's classical exegesis exerted tremendous influence on many members of the Fu Society (a noted literary society in late Ming Dynasty), such as Chen Zilong（16081647）, Zhu Heling（1606-1683）, Zhu Chaoying（16051670）, Qian Chengzhi（1612-1694) , and Chen Qiyuan （？-1689）. He also had huge impact on Huang Zongxi（1610-1695）and his brother Huang Zongyan（1616-1686）in their deemphasizing the philosophy of the mind and advocacy of studying the Confucian classics. Huang often read Hao's exegesis at gatherings of reading classics（jiangjinghui） in Yongshang. He even influenced Huang Zongxi’s disciples, like Wan Sida（1633-1683） and his brother Wan Sitong（1638-1702） as well as their friends like Yan Ruoju（1636-1704）, Yao Jiheng (1647- about 1715) , Hu Wei（1633-1714）and Zhu Yizun(1629-1709), who were active in scholarly circles with interests in classical studying in Beijing in the early Qing Dynasty. Wan Sida commented Hao this way: " Those who endeavor to delve into the classics all revere him as a master". The scholarly achievements of Yan Ruoju and Hu Wei, founder of classical studies of the Qing Dynasty, also owed much to the works of Hao. This then points to the origins of early Qing approach to classical scholarship in the late Ming. In the Ming-Qing transition, Hao played a role that contributed more directly and comprehensively than that of Gu Yanwu（1613-1682）,Huang Zongxi, Yan Ruoju and Hu Wei. / In the early Qing, the imperially-sponsored Kangxi Dictionary, the classical commentaries the Kangxi emperor authored, and many other works attributed to the emperors or sanctioned by them, quoted liberally from Hao's works and cited a multitude of his views and points.Hao’s interpretations on the classics were even included in the textbooks of private schools. Hao's widespread influence ranged from the state level to the general public. His influence on classical study continued until the reign of Yongzheng and early period of Qianlong. Because of the impact of Hao’s scholarship for nearly 100 years, we have strong evidence to consider the Qing Dynasty criticism that "Ming Dynasty lacked classical scholarship groundless. Hao's Interpretation on the Nine Classics, which ushered in Qing style classical study, bore relevance to classical scholarship from the Tianqi and Chongzhen periods of the Ming to the Qianlong period of the Qing a century-long period. / The ebbs of Hao Jing’s influence was due to a paradigmatic change in the heydays of the Qianlong-Jiaqing periodlate 18th century to early 19th century. Hao Jing criticized Zhu Zi roundly, and attacked Zheng Xuan's exegesis of the Three Rites violently.Thus he offended the ideological orthodoxy and the scholarly orthodoxy. As a result, many of his works were excluded from copying into the Siku Quanshu (Complete Library of the Four Branches of Chinese Works). They were only catalogued with abstracts critical of their contents. Eventually they were forgotten by later generations. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 謝茂松. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 464-488) / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Xie Maosong. / Chapter 第一章 --- 郝敬經學與明清學術轉型之重釋 --- p.5 / Chapter 第一節 --- 引言 --- p.5 / Chapter 第二節 --- 明清學術轉型研究 --- p.10 / Chapter 一 --- 梁啟超：清學為對宋明理學之反動 --- p.10 / Chapter 二 --- 錢穆：晚明從“個別經驗轉向“共同經驗 --- p.12 / Chapter 三 --- 馬克思主義史學：清代考證學開山的認定 --- p.17 / Chapter （一） --- 侯外廬：考證學的開山 --- p.17 / Chapter （二） --- 嵇文甫：晚明心學與古學 --- p.19 / Chapter 四 --- 近期研究進路 --- p.22 / Chapter （一） --- 余英時：內在理路說 --- p.22 / Chapter （二） --- 林慶彰：回歸原典與群經辨偽 --- p.24 / Chapter （三） --- 龔鵬程：晚明的復古·經學·博雅傳統 --- p.25 / Chapter （四） --- 艾爾曼、包弼德：累積式研究方法 --- p.27 / Chapter （五） --- 周啟榮、張壽安、伊東貴之：儒家禮教主義的興起 --- p.28 / Chapter （六） --- 王汎森：講經會與清學發生 --- p.34 / Chapter 五 --- 以郝敬為視點梳理明清學術轉型研究 --- p.38 / Chapter 六 --- 小結 --- p.44 / Chapter 第三節 --- 郝敬研究回顧 --- p.47 / Chapter 一 --- 郝敬經學研究 --- p.47 / Chapter （一） --- 郝敬《尚書》學研究 --- p.47 / Chapter （二） --- 郝敬著作考與郝敬《詩經》學研究 --- p.51 / Chapter （三） --- 郝敬《四書》學研究 --- p.52 / Chapter 二 --- 郝敬哲學研究 --- p.54 / Chapter 第四節 --- 郝敬經學：事實、影響與遺忘 --- p.57 / Chapter 第二章 --- 前經學時期郝敬的治政表現與經世關懷 --- p.60 / Chapter 第一節 --- 地方治政表現 --- p.61 / Chapter 一 --- 初仕嚴急與庭無滯事：縉雲與永嘉 --- p.62 / Chapter 二 --- “聖諭俗講：江陰 --- p.64 / Chapter 第二節 --- 朝政經世關懷：錢法、屯守、罷兵 --- p.82 / Chapter 一 --- 軍餉、錢法、屯田 --- p.85 / Chapter （一） --- 軍餉：挪移額稅 --- p.85 / Chapter （二） --- 錢法：《請行錢法疏》 --- p.88 / Chapter （三） --- 屯田 --- p.95 / Chapter 二 --- 屯守遼東：兼論《天山評》 --- p.101 / Chapter 三 --- 罷朝鮮兵與彈劾輔臣 --- p.110 / Chapter 四 --- 采珠、開礦、開店、增稅、籍沒家財 --- p.114 / Chapter 小結 --- p.115 / Chapter 第三章 --- 前經學時期郝敬的文人生活 --- p.119 / Chapter 第一節 --- 父師影響 --- p.119 / Chapter 一 --- 達士：父郝承健 --- p.119 / Chapter 二 --- 文苑領袖：師李維楨 --- p.131 / Chapter 第二節 --- 詩文、書畫、酒、游山、玄談 --- p.138 / Chapter 一 --- 寡交遊：初仕縉雲 --- p.138 / Chapter 二 --- 廣交遊：繼仕永嘉 --- p.139 / Chapter （一） --- 文人、山人、僧道 --- p.139 / Chapter （二） --- 鮑觀白：性命之學 --- p.147 / Chapter （三） --- 袁宏道：縣令生活的比較 --- p.149 / Chapter 第三節 --- 年輕官員的集會：京師生涯 --- p.150 / Chapter 第四節 --- 學作畫：江陰生活 --- p.169 / Chapter 第五節 --- 致仕生活：修園、作畫、好佛 --- p.172 / Chapter 一 --- 作畫、搜集青銅器 --- p.172 / Chapter 二 --- 拓展康樂園與禮佛 --- p.174 / Chapter 三 --- 萬曆皇帝：無盡的感念 --- p.176 / Chapter 第四章 --- 純化儒學的追求（一）：佛老與李贄批判 --- p.177 / Chapter 第一節 --- 嚴儒、佛、道之辨 --- p.177 / Chapter 第二節 --- 重視儒禮與重新制禮 --- p.195 / Chapter 第三節 --- 李贄批判 --- p.207 / Chapter 一 --- 文本批判：郝敬《閑邪記》與李贄《藏書》 --- p.207 / Chapter （一） --- “狂狷論 --- p.211 / Chapter （二） --- “真聖人與“假道學 --- p.222 / Chapter （三） --- “奉佛法為陰符 --- p.226 / Chapter 二 --- 李贄批判的比較 --- p.233 / Chapter 第五章 --- 純化儒學的追求（二）：全面批判理學與閉戶解經 --- p.238 / Chapter 第一節 --- 沉潛：閉戶解經 --- p.238 / Chapter 一 --- 念茲在茲：閉戶明經 --- p.238 / Chapter 二 --- 初涉經學：在永嘉 --- p.239 / Chapter 三 --- 閉戶注經：內在動力 --- p.242 / Chapter 四 --- 送《九經解》 --- p.246 / Chapter 五 --- 聲譽鵲起：《九經解》之刊刻 --- p.247 / Chapter 第二節 --- 說“不：對士人生活的反省與行為選擇 --- p.251 / Chapter 一 --- 不交官府 --- p.251 / Chapter 二 --- 不講學 --- p.255 / Chapter 三 --- 不作序、點主、墓銘 --- p.256 / Chapter 四 --- 庸常修身 --- p.260 / Chapter 第三節 --- 從佛老、理學到經學的轉變：《知言》與《時習新知》之比較 --- p.262 / Chapter 一 --- 《知言》與《時習新知》之異同 --- p.265 / Chapter 二 --- 《時習新知》的思想脈絡 --- p.269 / Chapter （一） --- 理學概念：轉換與超越 --- p.269 / Chapter （二） --- 理學批評 --- p.278 / Chapter （三） --- 辟佛道 --- p.291 / Chapter （四） --- 學惟《論語》為正宗 --- p.294 / Chapter （五） --- 時習新知 --- p.296 / Chapter （六） --- 古今學行與經解評議 --- p.297 / Chapter 第四節 --- 朱子與鄭玄經學的批評 --- p.300 / Chapter 一 --- 理學：對朱子經學的全面批評 p300 / Chapter 二 --- 訓詁：對鄭玄經注的批評 --- p.304 / Chapter 第五節 --- “溫柔敦厚：對道學政治文化的批判 --- p.308 / Chapter 一 --- 孔孟之道 --- p.309 / Chapter 二 --- 美刺與是非：《詩》與《春秋》 --- p.312 / Chapter 三 --- 《易》道用剛？ --- p.317 / Chapter 四 --- 批評與調整：“溫柔敦厚 --- p.318 / Chapter 小結 --- p.324 / Chapter 第六章 --- 郝敬經解之要義 --- p.326 / Chapter 第一節 --- 《九經解》：順序與意義系統 --- p.326 / Chapter 第二節 --- 經解要義及其創辟 --- p.329 / Chapter 一 --- 《周易正解》：由《十翼》言象而“象意雙顯 --- p.329 / Chapter 二 --- 《尚書辨解》：辨《古文尚書》為偽 --- p.335 / Chapter （一） --- 《書序》非孔子作 --- p.336 / Chapter （二） --- 以古今文辭風格辨《古文尚書》之偽 --- p.336 / Chapter （三） --- 讀《書》首當考世代 --- p.339 / Chapter （四） --- 周公不殺管、蔡二叔 --- p.340 / Chapter （五） --- 以後世之徵引而證《古文尚書》為偽 --- p.342 / Chapter 三 --- 《毛詩原解》：詩序·詩志·美刺 --- p.343 / Chapter （一） --- 尊《詩序》 --- p.343 / Chapter （二） --- “辭與“志之間以及辟“淫奔說 --- p.345 / Chapter （三） --- 《詩》為萬世法戒 --- p.351 / Chapter （四） --- 風人 --- p.352 / Chapter （五） --- 風雅頌皆有正變 --- p.353 / Chapter （六） --- 詩者，聲音之道 --- p.354 / Chapter 四 --- 《春秋直解》：直其事而是非自見 --- p.354 / Chapter （一） --- 《左傳》非左丘明作 --- p.355 / Chapter （二） --- 批《春秋》三傳、宋胡安國《春秋》解 --- p.357 / Chapter （三） --- 《春秋》無凡例、無深刻隱語 --- p.358 / Chapter （四） --- 《春秋》直道而行，不以文字為褒貶 --- p.360 / Chapter （五） --- 《春秋》未嘗可五霸，未嘗貴盟會，未嘗與齊、魯 --- p.362 / Chapter （六） --- 未嘗黜秦、楚、吳、越為夷狄 --- p.364 / Chapter 五 --- 三禮 --- p.365 / Chapter （一） --- 《禮記通解》：會通禮家雜而多端之言 --- p.366 / Chapter （二） --- 《儀禮節解》 --- p.373 / Chapter （三） --- 《周禮完解》 --- p.377 / Chapter 六 --- 《論語詳解》與《孟子說解》 --- p.388 / Chapter （一） --- 《論語詳解》 --- p.388 / Chapter （二） --- 《孟子說解》 --- p.391 / Chapter 第三節 --- 郝敬經學特色 --- p.396 / Chapter 一 --- 解經“不可為典要 --- p.396 / Chapter 二 --- 集群經辨偽之大成：創辟與臆斷 --- p.399 / Chapter 第七章 --- 郝敬經學的影響 --- p.401 / Chapter 第一節 --- 同時代經學類型比較：以《大泌山房集》所見為例 --- p.401 / Chapter 一 --- 朱子經學系統 --- p.404 / Chapter 二 --- 北宋之經解 --- p.405 / Chapter 三 --- 從回向漢代到回向孔子 --- p.406 / Chapter 四 --- 與郝敬屬同類型的經解 --- p.407 / Chapter 第二節 --- 郝敬經學的後世影響 --- p.411 / Chapter 一 --- 郝敬經學在晚明的流傳與接受 --- p.411 / Chapter 二 --- 孔廟從祀議案的提出 --- p.416 / Chapter 三 --- 郝敬經學在清初的全面性影響 --- p.418 / Chapter 四 --- 主流派的曖昧：四庫館臣與新典範 --- p.428 / Chapter 五 --- 少數派的重視：章學誠與焦循之例 --- p.430 / Chapter 六 --- 郝敬經學在晚清民國的影響 --- p.431 / 小結 --- p.432 / Chapter 結論 --- p.433 / Chapter 附錄一 --- 郝敬的《請錢法疏》與顧炎武的貨幣主張之比較 --- p.449 / Chapter 附錄二 --- 前明知縣章聚奎詳請給事中郝敬從祀廟庭稿 --- p.458 / Chapter 參考文獻 --- p.464

The Confucian thoughts in the transition period from Ming to Qing Dynasty indicate the trend to pull down the transcendent world to the real world. This means the "immanent monism tendency", which is to internalize the transcendent li within the experiential qi. The "immanent monism tendency" is the most obvious feature in the Jishan School. This thesis focuses on Huang Zongxi's thoughts and takes the "immanent monism tendency" as the clue to expose the inner logic in the Ming-Qing academic transformation. The thoughts of "immanent monism tendency" emerge in Mid-Ming period. There are two reasons behind it: one is anti-Buddhism and the other comes from the pursuit of the most fundamental moral self-cultivation in the School of Mind. The two converge upon Liu Zongzhou's thoughts, which are inherited by Huang Zongxi, who then develops the "immanent monism tendency" to an extreme form. Huang Zongxi emphasizes qi as the first order concept and completely internalizes the transcendent li within qi. Both his xin-xing and moral self-cultivation are based upon the li-qi theory. Through the Principle with Many Manifestation, Huang Zongxi combines traditional mind-reason thought with his ultimate concern on administration and practical usage. In conclusion, Huang Zongxi's philosophical thoughts are the transition form In the phase of the Ming-Qing academic transformation, in which the "immanent monism tendency" plays a key role. / 秦峰. / Submitted: 2010年11月. / Submitted: 2010 nian 11 yue. / Adviser: Cheng Chungxi. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 73-04, Section: A, page: . / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 269-279). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [201-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Qin Feng.

本文以清代宮廷演劇制度的完善與興替、宮廷大戲《昭代簫韶》的創作與演出為中心，探討其中帝王性情、意識形態的投射與帝國形象的建構；試圖對宮廷演劇繁盛與變遷的原因、《昭代簫韶》文本與演出的意涵、宮廷與民間演劇的交流與影響等問題，作出新的解釋。 / 現有研究強調清朝帝后喜好戲曲娛樂、宮廷舞臺壯麗輝煌，以及晚清宮廷演劇變革等等。本文認為，清代宮廷演劇實有更多豐富的內涵有待更深入的研討。帝后的倡導及參與，自是推動清代宮廷演劇繁盛的重要原因，但在滿足帝后娛樂的同時，宮廷演劇也用於朝廷儀典；戲曲教化與國家儀式的功能相互結合。 / 清代宮廷演劇，在元明清雜劇傳奇及亂彈之外，還有適應現實需要而奉旨編演的大戲與節戲。宮廷大戲，規模龐大，情節複雜，排場繁縟，在中國戲曲史上十分獨特。創作於乾嘉之際的《昭代簫韶》，取材於明代演義小說《北宋志傳》，鋪寫楊家將輔宋抗遼事。通過特定情節與人物穿戴，《昭代簫韶》參與了清代正統華夷的論述，並含有重評歷史與訓諭臣民的深意。此部大戲將褒忠誅奸的昇仙入地與軍陣鬥法的神道描寫，與觀劇現場的君臣秩序相結合，形成舞臺上、下戲曲與現實的呼應，道德教化寓意明顯。 / 本文對清代宮廷演劇制度變遷與宮廷大戲《昭代簫韶》演出史的考察，還特別關注戲曲在宮廷與民間的流動與影響。尤其是外學伶人進入與退出宮廷，使得宮廷伶人的規模與組成發生改變，這不僅影響到大戲的演出形式與藝術呈現，也使得宮廷演劇處於對外開放與吸收融合的狀態。清代戲劇便在宮廷、文人與民間三方面，均臻繁盛。 / Theatrical performance played an important role in the Qing court culture. This thesis discusses the evolution and change of the court theatre institution throughout the Qing Dynasty. In the contexts of court entertainment, political activities and cultural policy, the creation and performance history of the grand theatre piece, Zhaodai xiaoshao, or The Glorious Music of a Brilliant Age, from the Qianlong-Jiaqing to the Guangxu period serve as an adequate example. In this case study, we can explore the nature of the Qing emperors and Empress Dowager Cixi, state ideology and the construction of the Empire’s image. / Most existing research in Qing court drama and theatre focuses on the Qing emperors’ great passion for theatre, the three-tiered grand stage in the imperial palace and the wealth of props and costumes, as well as the repertoire change in the late Qing, especially the formation and development of Jingju or Peking Opera. This thesis arguesthat given its rich contents and relevant contexts, the Qing court theatre deserves far more research both in breadth and in depth. The participation of the imperial power undoubtedly promoted court theatre. Theatrical performances at court became not only private entertainment for the imperial family; they also appeared in state ceremonies with special ritual significance. In addition, the grand plays like the 240-scened Glorious Music of a Brilliant Age projected the images and instructions of the emperorsto enlighten the subjects, for particular needs in political circumstances. / The Glorious Music of a Brilliant Age was based on the story of the Yang Family Generals in the Northern Song Dynasty. Usingthe concept of destiny, the grand play established the plot in which Song defeated Liao and the Taizong of Song completed the unification of the Hans and non-Hans. This is not the real history. However, the play reflected the transition from the early Qing of the northern ethnic-group regime to the mid-Qing of the unified Chinese dynasty. It showed the Manchu emperors’ intent to construct a political orthodox position for their empire. Through the specific costumesof its characters, this history play revealed the ethnic and identity issues among the audience in the Qing court. It teaches the audience and later, readers to be loyal subjects. / In the performance history of The Glorious Music of a Brilliant Age, it is also important to note the institutional evolution of the court theatre, especially the folk actors flowing inside and outside the court. These actors’ movement created opportunities for exchange between the court theatre and the public theatre. For instance, during the Hundred Days Reform, Zhaodai xiaoshao was adapted from its original Kun-Yi music to the Pihuang music under the command of the Empress Dowager Cixi to be performed by the eunuch actors and famous celebrities from the capital theatre. The adaptation and performances of this play, when closely examined, expressed the "ideal" parent-child and monarch-subject relationship which the Empress desired Emperor Guangxu to observe, given the reality of tension between the two at that time. In other words, the performances at court theatre often serve the political purpose of communication, indoctrination, as well as integration. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 胡光明. / Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2014. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 255-281). / Abstracts also in English. / Hu Guangming.