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「詞史」為一理論術語，亦是作品的價值桂冠。此一觀念於明清之際興發，然而歷來大多是站在「詩史」的角度之下詮釋此一概念，而少對當時的「詞史」論述作一完整並細緻的討論。經過分析，筆者發現明清之際的「詞史」論述具有泛情化與個人化的傾向，故本文以現今「詞史」研究的學術反思為出發點，並進一步站在此特點之上，企圖建立一個考察「詞史」作品的「新詞史」視角。第一章是全文的基礎，包含兩個重點：一是分析明清之際的「詞史」概念特質，並闡述其產生背景與原因；二是將「詞史」與「詩史」、「曲史」一同比較，得出它們的細微差別。第二章至第四章從「詞史」論述中選取三個主要內涵，分別是「傳心」、「憶往」與「懷古詠史」，在這三章中，除了對這三類「詞史」論述有更仔細的分析外，並加入了與此三個主題相關的理論思考，形成新的考察視角，接著由這些主題衍伸而出，開展專題討論，作為「新詞史」之示例。「詞史」的泛情化與個人化，背離了過往重紀事的史觀，而與二十世紀初以來的新史學觀念相符，同樣指向心靈史與思想史之範疇。也因為「事」的剝離，其間文體跨越的標準，以及詞中「史」的性質都更為抽象、模糊，加上論述中賦予鑑賞者裁選的權力，故與新歷史主義亦有部分相似之處。本文採用新歷史主義的方法，注重文本與歷史的互動，選擇詞、史兩個方面皆有價值的作品：第一個專題以兩組骷髏詞為分析對象，從中可見兩種死亡觀的對話；接著以自壽詞與自題像詞為分析對象，觀察他們詞中的自傳意味；最後以〈虞美人〉詞牌為主的虞姬詞為分析對象，帶出英雄觀的討論。這三個專題之間又是彼此關聯，共同形成一個歷史場域，在詞中展現他們文學化的眾聲喧嘩。綜上所述，本文於理論與作品兩方面，希望能擺脫過往陳陳相因的定義與詮釋，而對於詞與史，有更多思考的可能。= As an academic term, Cishi can also be esteemed as a compliment of a piece of work. Cishi, developed into a concept in the duration of Ming and Qing Dynasty, has been long comprehended and interpreted under the gist of Shishi, without a thorough and detailed discussion over the contemporary discourse about Cishi. Through close reading and analysis, I found that the discourse about Cishi in the duration of Ming and Qing Dynasty has an inclination of pan-sentiment and personalisition. This dissertation is based on the reflection of present study on Cishi, and tries to make a step further to establish a "new Cishi" platform to inspect Cishi works. The first chapter is the fundament of this whole dissertation, which consists of two parts: one is to analyze the particularity of the concept of Cishi, and explain its background and reason, and the other is to compare the subtle differences among Cishi, Shishi and Qushi. I select three main connotations--expressing mind, retrospecting the past, and ode to history, to discuss among Chapter Two to Chapter Four. Besides the profoundly analyzing, I combine these three topics with respectively related theoretical thinking to form a new perspective. Subsequently, specific discussions expended from the topics are set examples of the "new Cishi". Pan-sentiment and personalisition of Cishi deviates from the traditional historiography view which concentrates on the event recording, whereas corresponds with the new historiography view blossoming in 20th century, which also points to the spiritual history and the history of ideas. For the reason of the separation from events, ambiguous standards of style, the abstract and vague quality of "history" in Ci, as well as the power of selecting entitled to the readers in discussion; Cishi also shares some similarities with new historicism. So in this dissertation, regarding the interaction between text and history, I adopt the method of new historicism to select those works which contribute both in Ci and in history. The first topic concentrates on two groups of skeleton Ci, which embodies two different views of death. The second topic sets the self-bithday-congratuation Ci and self-portrait-inscription Ci as objects of study to observe the connotation of autobiography within. In the very end, the third topic analyzes the character of Yuji(虞姬) which mainly appears in the Cipai(詞牌) of Yumeiren(虞美人), which also contains the discussion of the heroic outlook. Associated mutually, these three topics form a historical field, and burst into a literary chorus in Ci. As a conclusion, this dissertation explores in aspect of theory as well as works, tries to get rid of the past routinized definition and explanation in order to offer some new possible perspectives in both Ci and history.

This research analyses Qing women's writings and paratexts to explore how women applied their agency to re-shape the nature of everyday practice in the boudoir, arguing that dutiful activities were not only responsibilities for the fulfillment of womanhood, but also a location for self-expression and a channel to cross the boundary of private sphere and public society. The main body of this study examines activities concerning rong 容 (appearance) and gong 功/工 (achievements/work), the practical aspects in side 四德 (four womanly virtues) defined in the Confucian values. In the part about women's appearance, this research will examine women's self-adornment and looking in the mirror, and in the part about women's work, it focuses on garment making and cooking. On this basis, this study rethinks the connotation of "four virtues," and further explores women's agency manifested in their everyday details in the late imperial period. Scholars in gender history and women's literature have conducted fruitful studies on multiple aspects of women's daily life, such as women's production and consumption, material life, household duties, literary pursuit, leisure activities, and social communications. This research attempts to examine a less-studied aspect of women's self-representation: their subjective experience in the practical aspects of the "four female virtues." How did common practices about rong and gong relate to women's opinion on body and material, inspire their emotions, and reflect their rich inner reality? How did women empower themselves through these everyday activities and in turn transform duties into a platform of self-construction and self-expression? This research focuses on the Qing dynasty, a transitional period in history that bridged traditional and modern China, to explore how women's agency was constructed in, manifested through, and embedded in the commonest everyday domestic practices. Specifically, this research focuses on four particular activities that represented rong and gong: self-adornment, looking in the mirror, garment making, and food management. I argue that women in the Qing dynasty not merely fulfilled but also tactfully transformed the Confucian expectation of "four virtues" through common practices in the everyday, and in the meanwhile, they empowered themselves by creating personally meaningful worlds within the inner quarters.

閨秀是清代文壇的一股新興力量，她們以獨特的女性寫作風格和視角為清代文學乃至整個中國文學注入了新鮮的水源。清代閨秀作家相較於前代，在詩詞創作方面出現一個不容忽視的特點，即在前代女作家重複傳遞的閨情閨怨之外，開拓了對日常生活的書寫。然而目前學界未有圍繞清代閨秀詩詞日常生活書寫的專著，涉及清代閨秀詩詞日常化的論文也十分稀少。有見於此，本文圍繞「清代閨秀如何書寫日常生活」這一問題展開論述，試圖彌補前人之不足。本文包含七章，除第一章「緒論」及第七章「結論」之外，二至六章的主要內容分別如下: 第二章主要通過史料文獻還原清代女性的日常生活樣貌。清代閨秀的日常生活，既有中饋理家和侍親課子等方面對於婦德的順從，又有讀書吟詠和閨外行旅等傳統婦德之外的內容。第三章以清代女性詠物詩詞為重點研究文本，主要分析詠物詩詞中大量湧現的日常化吟詠對象；同時探討詠物詩詞的日常化寫作手法和情志表達。第四章重點分析自清代才大量出現的女性家務詩詞。一方面與男性文人筆下對勞動女性的書寫作對比研究，另一方面探討家務書寫對於閨秀的意義。第五章從三個方面對清代閨秀書寫日常生活的方式進行梳理，包括拓展選材範圍、增添日記元素和關注現實生活。第六章考察清代女性詩詞日常化的原因。清代女性詩詞出現日常化的趨勢，是創作主體的改變、儒家禮儀道德規範的引導，以及文壇風氣等多重因素共同作用的結果。Elite women writers (guixiu 閨秀)were are vitalizing force in the literary field of the Qing Dynasty. With their unique gendered writing style and perspective, they brought fresh blood to Qing Dynasty literature, and in a broader sense, to Chinese literature as well. Compared with the previous generations, Qing elite women writers had a prominent feature in their writing of poetry. That is, in addition to the lyrical themes already repeatedly dealt with by earlier female writers, they started writing about their daily life. However, no monograph has been published on the writing of daily life in Qing elite women's poetry and little has been discovered on how their attention turned to the writing of daily life. This thesis fills this research gap through addressing the following question: how did Qing elite women write about everyday life? This article is divided into seven chapters, flanked by an introduction in Chapter One and a conclusion in Chapter Seven. Abstracts of Chapters Two to Six are as follows: Chapter Two outlines a reconstruction of the daily life of women in the Qing Dynasty through historical texts. It touches upon the expansion of Qing elite women's living space through comparison with previous generations. Besides taking on familial and parental responsibilities, Qing elite women expanded their living space by writing poetry and traveling. Chapter Three focuses on poems on objects (yongwu shici詠物詩詞) written by women in the Qing Dynasty. It analyzes the daily objects that appeared in a large number of poems. It also discusses the writing techniques and artistic expressions of these poems. Chapter Four focuses on women's poems on housework, a genre which did not appear until the Qing Dynasty. On the one hand, the chapter compares such poems with working women depicted by male literati; on the other hand, it discusses the significance of writing about housework for elite women of the time. Chapter Five organizes the approach Qing elite female writers had taken in writing about daily life from three aspects, namely, broadening their scope of topic selection, adding diary-like elements to their works and showing interests in family livelihood. The Sixth Chapter investigates the reasons behind the popularization of writing about daily life in Qing women's poetry. This trend is the result of a number of reasons: the change of writing subject, the guiding of Confucian moral norms and the climate of the literary circle at the time.

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李貴生. / 論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大學, 1999. / 參考文獻 (p. 323-341) / 中英文摘要. / Available also through the Internet via Dissertations & theses @ Chinese University of Hong Kong. / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Mode of access: World Wide Web. / Li Guisheng. / Lun wen (zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 1999. / Can kao wen xian (p. 323-341) / Zhong Ying wen zhai yao

「古文」作爲傳統中國士人日常表達和學術著作的主要文體，在思想世界與知識世界中具有重要的地位。然而，除了在文學史研究中討論「知識」對「文章」的重要性，我們似乎很少反過來設問，「文章」對「知識」有何作用？作爲「學問」載體的古文，是否真正介入了這些學術性知識的傳承與變革？基於這一思路，本文希望將對「古文」的研究，置於一更大的社會文化脈絡之中，探討「文章」如何塑造了讀書人的知識視野和學問秩序。 / 文章與知識之間的張力，在古代文學史及思想史上一直存在；然在清代，由於儒家知識主義之興起，此一張力獲得了更爲自覺和充分的展開。本文認爲，從晚明到清初，中國士人的知識視野經歷了一次擴張，而明中期以降博覽求古的「文章」趣味，正是其重要的動力。入清之後，「文」「學」之緊張日益顯現。康熙十七年詔徵博學鴻儒，還是以「詞章」評判「博學」；至乾隆間開經學特科，所重便是「根柢經史」的專門學問；由「博」而「精」，「文」「學」相離。不過，在以「文章」訓練為主的書院教育中，對「古學」的提倡往往還需要借助「古文」之力；同時清人以「著書明道」為理想，考經證史的成績、自身的學術趣味與知識修養，都需要選擇恰當的「著述」體裁以表達之。在編次文集乃至註釋經書之時，不少學者都對其「著作」的方式作出精心的安排，以求體現其學問之系統。「文」與「學」的互動，實又通過另一種形式表現出來。此外，「著書明道」，還可以看作一個以「私言」發明「公道」的實踐，故而「著作」不僅是對公共「知識」的傳遞，更是對個人「性情」的表達。在清中期，「文」與「學」的張力進一步推演出性情與知識關係的重整。「文」「學」離合之間，清代讀書人知識世界的遷變，正有跡可循。 / The concept of ‘wenxue’(文學) in Chinese intellectual tradition philologically consists of two basic elements: belle-lettres (文wen) and learning (學xue). Thus when talking about ‘wenxue’ we are referring to not only a heritage of literature, but also a genealogy of knowledge. This dissertation aims to shed light upon the socio-cultural and epistemic aspects of classical prose(古文 guwen), which is a main genre of classical literature as well as the prevailing form of both practical and scholarly writing in late imperial China. Questions raised in my research include: How were different categories of knowledge ordered and systematized? In what way did the literary taste of intellectuals delimit and displace their epistemological boundaries? And how was the world of knowledge embodied through the compiling of literary anthologies and the writing of scholarly works? / China’s long eighteenth century (1644-1799) witnessed an adequate and self-conscious unfoldment of the perennial tension of literature and knowledge in the shadow of the Confucian intellectualism. The Ming literati’s interests for archaic literature and ancient texts, which lead to a trend of vast learning, herald the expansion of knowledge in late Ming and early Qing. In the 1679 ‘Boxue Hongru’ Examination, literary excellence was still regarded as a crucial criterion for the selection of ‘erudite scholars’. The rise of evidential study, however, intensified the tension between literary talent and scholarly learning. Men of letters were criticized for having no knowledge of the real way of learning, although they had copious knowledge of classical literature. The curiosity for erudition and was regulated, if not replaced by the pursuit of philological study on the Confucian classics. In spite of such idealistic divergence of ‘literati’ and ‘scholar’, literary writing played a significant role in the propagation and expression of scholarship. On one hand, study on Confucian classics and ancient history was advocated in local academies(shuyuan 書院) through the training of prose writing. On the other hand, scholars had to be very concerned about choosing the appropriate genre or the most refined textual form to lucubrate their academic work. Furthermore, debates on the proper form of academic writing made special contribution to the revival of subjectivism in the realm of academic studies. From my perspective, the interaction of ‘wen’ and ‘xue’ played a decisive role in shaping the trajectory of both literary and academic history of late imperial China. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 胡琦. / Parallel title from added title page. / Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2015. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 540-551). / Abstracts also in Chinese. / Hu Qi.

published_or_final_version / Chinese / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

過去學者討論僧人與國家之關係，多強調來自國家的制度規定，忽略了僧人的主觀能動性。本文則從護僧榜文出發，嘗試以自下而上的視角去探討僧人與國家的關係。此類榜文在有清一代多地出現，看似係皇帝聖旨，強調國家對僧人的優待政策，被不少僧人隨身攜帶。更有甚者，榜文被張掛、勒石記錄或刻板刷印以擴大影響。而事實上，清帝從未頒行過護僧榜文，所謂的護僧榜文是僧人為維護自身利益製造出來的。 諸多普通民眾難以判斷榜文的真假，而地方官紳大多對這類民間文本並不關心，認為其無關緊要。也有佞佛官紳利用此類榜文來鼓吹佛教，幫助維護寺廟與僧人的利益。通過對護僧榜文的研究，可以看到僧人並非只是國家規定的被動接受者，他們借用國家的名義，製造、傳播并利用符合自身利益的"國家規定"。 / Most previous research on relations between monks and the state focused on the state regulations, and ignored the monks’ subjective initiative. In Comparison, this thesis centers on the various Official Placards of Protecting Monks in the Qing dynasty and tries to discuss the relationship between monks and the state from a bottom-up perspective. Those placards, taken by not a few monks, were similar to imperial edicts in format, emphasizing the state’s amiable position toward monks. Occasionally, people posted these placards on the wall, or carved them on the stele, or printed them out, in order to expand influence. As a matter of fact, Qing emperors had never issued such a kind of edict. Therefore, the so-called Official Placards of Protecting Monks were counterfeited by certain monks for their own sakes. On the one hand, it was difficult for many commoners to tell the authenticity of these placards. On the other, the majority of local officials and elites did not bother themselves with these placards. Nevertheless, a few local elites took advantage of these very placards to promulgate Buddhism and protect monks and their temples. In sum, the Official Placard of Protecting Monks throws light on another aspect of the relationship between the state and the monks, revealing that monks were by no means passive receiver of state regulation. On the contrary, by manipulating the credit of the state, they were able to produce, spread and capitalize on the so-called "state regulations" in their own interests. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 伍金菊. / "2014年10月"--Title page. / "2014 nian 10 yue"--Title page. / Parallel title from English abstract. / Thesis (M.Phil.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2015. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 133-148). / Abstracts also in English. / Wu Jinju.

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