Texte remanié de: Th. doct.--Hist.--Nantes, 1999. Titre de soutenance : Sociabilités, pouvoirs et notabilités en Anjou, 1730-1830. / Bibliogr. p. 383-397. Notes bibliogr.

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The patriots depend on the uprising of the people and on popular enthusiasm in general, both for the physical and for the ideological support to achieve the revolution. In order to ensure the progress of the revolution, they will strive to control and direct popular agitation through written discourse. Revolutions de Paris, one of the most popular newspapers of the French Revolution, offers a good example of that: events are interpreted through narratives that distinguish 'good' popular uprisings from 'bad' ones, thus outlining a plan for the contribution of popular enthusiasm to the revolution.

Thesis (Doctoral)--Ludwig-Maximilian-Universität zu München, 1982.

A study of the political and social thought of Jean-Paul Marat was undertaken in an attempt to establish whether this eighteenth-century personality, of notorious yet poorly understood proportions, might in any way be considered an original theorist. The clarification of this point is presented as one answer to the credibility of the historical and contemporary notion of “maratism” and the “maratiste” as representative of a distinctive theory. Respecting the chronology of Jean-Paul Marat's writings, his first political treatise, The Chains of Slavery of 1774, is analyzed within the framework of its debt to English radicalism. Marat is then followed to France, where a decade before the Ancien Régime was to expire, the Plan de législation criminelle was written. Having discussed the rudiments of the pre-revolutionary's political and social thought as epitomized by these works, the outbreak of the French Revolution introduces Jean-Paul Marat in his first and most important revolutionary vocation as the journalist of L'Ami du Peuple. Henceforward, the evolution of Marat's revolutionary thought is first examined in the context of his professional capacity, where increasing intolerance and suspicion of other journalists testify to his radicalization. Next, consideration is given to the metamorphosis of his revolutionary ideal, or the discovery of the “people” and their requisite virtue of “esprit public”. This, in turn, raises the questions of how Marat proposed to achieve the revolution in the name of his new elite. His two principal methods of violence and dictatorship are therefore probed. And, in keeping with the pervading negative vein of Marat's teachings, those whom he considered a permanent threat to any society are revealed as Marat, the Friend of the People, perceived them. Finally, the thought of Jean-Paul Marat is reviewed from the perspective of his relationship to the clubs and of his turbulent but short-lived career as a representative of the people, which was brought to a dramatic end by the knife of Charlotte Corday. On the basis of the foregoing analyses, it is concluded that although Marat was the first to synthesize many ideas subsequently to be adopted by the revolution, he was not an original theorist. It is contended, therefore, that the significance of the terms “maratism” or “maratiste” remains vacuous on a theoretical level.

The Complete Suffrage Union of 1842 was a brief and unsuccessful attempt to combine the middle and working classes behind a solid, well-ordered agitation for the classic programme of Parliamentary reform, at a time when economic distress was sharpening reform demands in Britain and class relations had turned sour in the penumbra of the Great Reform Bill. What were the circumstances which favoured the new movement? Firstly, the existing popular reform movements were temporarily spent; the Chartist leadership was badly fragmented and the lessons of its 1839 agitation discouraging, the Anti-Corn Law League had lost momentum after the 1841 election and Richard Cobden was searching for some 'new move' to ginger up his flagging organization. Secondly, the C.S.U. was led by the Birmingham Quaker, Joseph Sturge, who seemed to combine the necessary organisational ability, derived from his experience with the anti-slavery movement, with complete freedom from the stigma of class partiality. Thirdly, the C.S.U. was conceived in Birmingham, a city well known for its reform record and harmony between the classes, thus an ideal base for the national projection of such a movement. Given such initial advantages, why did the Complete Suffrage movement fail? It failed because it never won an effective following in its Birmingham base, as the League did in Manchester. The political thermometer in Birmingham rose and fell with economic fortunes and its citizens thought of political reform as a means to some such economic palliative as, for example, currency reform. Sturge offered no attractive economic nostrum to follow on from suffrage reform, only a sort of moral catharsis. As the moral conscience of the city he won dutiful plaudits from all and the particular affection of the shopocracy, but such pleasing breezes of approval hardly constituted a wind of change. Sturge had only a contingent relationship with the vital centres of business leadership in the city and was at best a reluctant agitator of the people at large. The old harmony and dynamic of the Birmingham reform front had been severely mauled by the disturbances of 1839 and the C.S.U. failed to attract the full reform energies of the middle class, who were regrouping between the campaign for municipal incorporation and their later battle against the Corn Laws. Neither could it attract those of the working class who shared Feargus O'Connor's misgivings that it harbored a selfish bourgeois plot. Sturge himself was an ineffective leader and the very probity which constituted a major propaganda appeal for the C.S.U. cut short the use of those tactics necessary to survival, let alone success, in contemporary politics. At the Nottingham bye-election of August, 1842, Sturge refused to sanction the normal electioneering skulduggery which would have brought the Union victory. In Birmingham and in the country as a whole, the C.S.U. failed to shut out hostile representatives to its major national conference in December, 1842. Finally the movement fell victim to the class discords it sought to allay, a defeat prefigured in the previous conference in April, and made obvious in December after the explosion of the Plug Plots, which heightened bourgeois fears of working class insurrection and confirmed the workers in their belief that the middle class sought to use them as a catspaw. The Complete Suffrage movement collapsed because it failed to establish an effective grip on its home territory; it would not use the tactics which the tough political milieu demanded; and it proved unable to survive the corrosive mutual suspicion between the classes. These defects were compounded by inadequate leadership. The C.S.U.'s failure seems incontestable but there is also a modest and significant success to be salvaged from its history. Its raison d'etre meant the occupation of a marginal position which brought it under heavy attack from both classes, but in Birmingham at least the C.S.U. contrived to restore valuable contact between the middle and working classes. The first chapter examines the industrial and political complexion of Birmingham in the 1830s, and the convulsions of 1838 and ‘39 which severely damaged the traditional harmony of the classes in the city. Chapter II introduces Joseph Sturge and considers his early moves to repair this damage in the context of both local and national reform politics. The third chapter examines the Complete Suffrage Union in action in the national conference held in Birmingham in April, 1842, and in Sturge's candidacy at the Nottingham bye-election in August of that year. It also looks at the composition and organisation of the Union's membership. The final chapter deals with the last conference of the movement, again in Birmingham, in December 1842, examining its failure in the light of the serious disturbances in the previous summer months and their effects on the climate of opinion. There is much good secondary material on this particular period in British history. This material was made available through the facilities of the Library of the University of British Columbia, and the Inter-Library Loans service. Some newspaper files were available on microfilm through the same services but the bulk of research on original sources was done in England in the summer of 1966. Private papers were disappointing but the British Museum Newspaper Collection proved invaluable, together with the pamphlet and newspaper materials in the Birmingham Reference Library. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Arts in fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History at the University of Zululand, South Africa, 2004. / This thesis focuses on the reasons why King Dingane of the Zulu nation has been portrayed predominantly as a treacherous tyrant in South Africa's Eurocentric historical databases and poses the question whether he should, instead, not be regarded as the forerunner of African nationalism. It also examines the roots of European imperialism in South Africa, as recorded in governmental, geographical, trade and missionary records, and points out that, as with the first colonial invasion by Islam that resulted in the Tarikh chronicles, European imperialism was also inherently based on foreign and nationalistic biases. The study concludes that these preconceived notions have adulterated and overwhelmed the purer African voice that is uniquely represented by the oral tradition. Because the subdued African voice is regarded as more reliable than the written Eurocentric records, this study attempts to augment the Africa- centered work of Africanist historians who have, for several decades, revisited the oral history of Africa in order to recover, rehabilitate and represent a point of view and perspective intrinsic and special to Africa. The history of King Dingane of the Zulus encapsulates the problem of African historiography best because most of the sources from which accounts of his reign are reconstructed are European, and for this reason, propagate a Eurocentric bias. For example, while Eurocentric White historians are able to present, in print, three eyewitness accounts of the death of Piet Retief, the African point of view based on oral history is largely disregarded. This study seeks to redress this imbalance by championing the African point of view, which is considered to be not only sensible but also plausible and justifiable. Likewise, much attention has been given to the many studies that demonise King Dingane for the single act of viciously killing the purportedly innocent and innocuous Voortrekkers, while the broad contours of context against which his actions should be judged are disregarded. The purpose of this thesis is to debunk the myth of King Dingane's unfairness and criminality. It can therefore be interpreted as an effort at decriminalizing King Dingane's actions - a dimension that earlier as well as contemporary scholars of African history have hitherto ignored. It is hoped that in time similar studies on other issues will broaden this perspective and help to create the balance so sorely missing in Zulu history. A theoretical framework for historical representation is provided in chapter one of the study, while chapter two examines the mindset of the White explorers that arrived in Africa, and their imperial agenda that sought to control, drastically change and re-order everything. Chapter three attempts to portray the greatness of King Dingane in dealing with matters of governance as well as other issues that were to have a profound impact on the way in which he came to be portrayed in history books. Chapter four discusses the relationship between King Dingane and the British Settlers at Port Natal, while chapter five deals with the relationships between King Dingane and the Voortrekkers, who sought the very freedom from the British in the Cape Colony that they were prepared to destroy among Africans in the Zulu Kingdom. The final chapter deals with public history and perceptions about King Dingane in the 21^' century. The two museums that commemorate Impi yase Ncome/the Battle of 'Blood River' on 16 December are contrasted with each other and their potential for nation building is examined in a critical light. The central thesis of this study is that the historiography of the early years of the 19'^ century inevitably, and perhaps even deliberately, represented King Dingane as a tyrant with neither nationalistic proclivities nor stately qualities. The popularity of this historiographic perspective is arguably symptomatic of a hegemonic disciplinary praxis that seeks to privilege the principles of selection, preference and bias in the use of the vast archive of sources available to the historian, from the written to the oral source. To all intents and purposes, this principle, which interpolates the discourse of history as well as the producers and consumers of historical scholarship, has led to a limited, over-determined and totalizing view of King Dingane. It is this biased discourse that articulates with the dominant ideology that not only informed scholarship, but also reflected the ideology of the institutions responsible for shaping historiography. A full analysis of the circumstances surrounding King Dingane at the time, including the history, the culture, the political dynamics and the personalities of the actors, leads one to the inexorable conclusion that this thesis arrives at - namely that the king did what 'a king had to do.' It is furthermore concluded that the evidence leads one to believe that King Dingane should be seen as a forerunner of Black Nationalism, instead of being branded as a treacherous, bloodthirsty tyrant.

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Thèse de Doctorat de 3e cycle--Arts et lettres, langues et sciences humaines--Université Paul-Valéry - Montpellier III, 1981. / Bibliogr. p. I-XII.

För att undersöka bullerskyddsskärmars akustiska prestanda med avseende på ljudabsorption mäts idag absorptionen inomhus i laboratorier. Detta är oftast inte lämpligt eftersom bullerskyddsskärmar används utomhus, där ett annat ljudfält råder. Således introducerades en ny mätstandard år 2016 för att kunna undersöka ljudabsorptionen i fält, med benämningen SS-EN 1793-5:2016. Metoden innebär att ljudreflektionen uppmäts, där ljudabsorptionen sedan kan erhållas eftersom de är varandras komplement. Mätmetoden tillämpades på tre bullerskyddsskärmar för att identifiera för- och nackdelar med metoden, analysera skillnader i ljudabsorption mellan olika typer av bullerskyddsskärmar samt för att jämföra ljudabsorptionen mellan fält- och laborationsmätningar. Det sistnämnda eftersom tidigare studier har visat att ljudabsorptionen generellt överskattas vid laborationsmätningar i jämförelse med fältmätningar (CEDR, 2017). Metoden var praktiskt genomförbar och fördelarna är att mätmetoden är mer representativ än laborationsmätningar för bullerskyddsskärmar där direkt ljudfält råder samt att metoden möjliggör undersökning av ljudabsorptionens förändring över tid. Nackdelar som påvisades var att metoden är tidskrävande, att skärmens ljudisolering även behöver mätas för att få reda på den fullständiga ljudabsorptionen, att det saknas tydliga specifikationer för hur mätdata för bullerskyddsskärmar som är < 4 m höga ska analyseras samt att låga frekvenser blir ogiltiga för skärmar som har en höjd < 4 m. De tre mätobjekten som undersöktes var en skärm i laminerat härdat glas i närheten av Fridhemsplan i Stockholm, en skärm i sträckmetall beklädd med vegetation intill Lidingövägen i Stockholm samt en skärm i Knivsta som består av sektioner i aluminium respektive akrylglas. Glasskärmen vid Fridhemsplan var generellt mest reflekterande, följt av akryglassektionen i Knivsta. Aluminiumsektionen i Knivsta och den vegetationsbeklädda metallskärmen vid Lidingövägen var mest absorberande. Skillnaderna mellan skärmarna berodde på att de består av olika material som var olika reflekterande respektive absorberande. För aluminiumsektionen i Knivsta utfördes en jämförelse mellan ljudabsorptionen som tidigare hade uppmätts i laboratorium och ljudabsorptionen som uppmättes i fält. Sektionen uppvisade mer ljudabsorption vid mätning i laboratorium än vid mätning i fält. Detta ansågs främst bero på att ljudfälten skiljer sig mellan laboratorium och fält.