No description available.

There is no abstract available for this thesis.

Thesis (M.A.)--Guo li zheng zhi da xue, 1973. / Reproduced from typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 128-132).

No description available.

在清代學術史研究中，王鳴盛的學術地位主要由其史學成就奠定。而作為乾嘉時期的經史大家，其經學研究理應佔據一席之地。 / 《尚書後案》是王鳴盛的經學代表作，其主旨在於「發揮鄭康成一家之學」。「鄭氏學」是王氏《尚書》學的核心，「鄭氏家法」也貫穿於王氏治學之始終。其《尚書》學的主要內容在於鄭玄注「輯佚」與「疏證」兩方面，雖然各有得失，但總體而言其《尚書》學成就，得到乾嘉諸儒的普遍認可。 / 王鳴盛的《尚書》學，前承清初辨偽古文、偽孔《傳》之餘韻，後啟乾嘉鄭氏學、乃至今文學之序幕，於清代《尚書》學史中具有轉折意義。但其學特色鮮明，好博尊聞，而精審未及；守一家之學，生門戶之見，故屢遭後人苛評。此固當分別而論。 / As far as the studies of academic history of the Qing Dynasty are concerned, the academic status of Wang Ming-sheng was chiefly established through his accomplishments in Historiography. A major figure in the studies of Confucian classic and history in the Qianlong-Jiaqing period, Wang deserves a credit for his classical studies. / Shangshu hou’an was Wang Ming-sheng’s representative work in his classical studies, aiming to “elaborate the scholarly work of the school of Zheng Xuan. The studies of Zheng Xuan formed the core of Wang’s studies of Shangshu and Zheng’s scholarly methods had become one of his own. Wang’s studies of Shangshu mainly included his collection and subsequent annotation of Zheng Xuan’s commentaries. With both merits and demerits, Wang’s studies of Shangshu as a whole were widely recognized by the scholars of the Qianlong -Jiaqing period. / Wang Ming-sheng’s studies of Shangshu inherited from the early Qing predecessors’ attempts to identify its forged guwen ‘Old Text’ and commentary spuriously attributed to Kong An-guo, while shedding light on the studies of Zheng Xuan in the Qianlong-Jiaqing period and even giving rise to the studies of Jinwen ‘New Text’. Wang’s work marked a turning point in the history of Shangshu studies in Qing Dynasty. Through distinctive and sophisticated, his scholarly pursuit was criticized for falling short of precision. It upheld the scholarship of one school, but also risked being one-side. The frequent criticisms arisen as a result, however, should be regarded as a separate issue. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 王利. / "2013年7月". / "2013 nian 7 yue". / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 256-289). / Abstract in Chinese and English. / Wang Li. / 提要 --- p.i / Abstract --- p.ii / 目錄 --- p.iii / Chapter 第一章 --- 緒論 --- p.1 / Chapter 第一節 --- 研究緣起與目的 --- p.1 / Chapter 一、 --- 研究緣起 --- p.1 / Chapter 二、 --- 研究目的 --- p.2 / Chapter 第二節 --- 文獻檢討 --- p.3 / Chapter 一、 --- 經學 --- p.5 / Chapter 二、 --- 小學 --- p.8 / Chapter 三、 --- 文獻學 --- p.9 / Chapter 第三節 --- 研究內容與方法 --- p.15 / Chapter 第二章 --- 王鳴盛之生平與學術 --- p.18 / Chapter 第一節 --- 生平傳略 --- p.18 / Chapter 第二節 --- 學術著述 --- p.20 / Chapter 一、 --- 經部著作 --- p.21 / Chapter 二、 --- 史部著作 --- p.23 / Chapter 三、 --- 子部著作 --- p.24 / Chapter 四、 --- 集部著作 --- p.27 / Chapter 第三章 --- 《尚書》鄭氏學史述要 --- p.29 / Chapter 第一節 --- 兩漢《尚書》學之流傳 --- p.29 / Chapter 一、 --- 《今文尚書》之流傳 --- p.29 / Chapter 二、 --- 《古文尚書》之流傳 --- p.34 / Chapter 第二節 --- 《尚書》鄭氏學 --- p.38 / Chapter 一、 --- 鄭玄與今、古文經學 --- p.38 / Chapter 二、 --- 《尚書》鄭注之流傳與散亡 --- p.40 / Chapter 三、 --- 王鳴盛之鄭氏學 --- p.44 / Chapter 第四章 --- 王鳴盛之鄭玄注輯佚研究 --- p.46 / Chapter 第一節 --- 《尚書》鄭注之輯佚 --- p.46 / Chapter 第二節 --- 王鳴盛輯佚之法則 --- p.48 / Chapter 一、 --- 廣蒐博取 --- p.48 / Chapter 二、 --- 注重版本 --- p.54 / Chapter 三、 --- 考辨真偽 --- p.58 / Chapter 四、 --- 覈校異同 --- p.62 / Chapter 五、 --- 推斷歸屬 --- p.70 / Chapter 六、 --- 編排次第 --- p.74 / Chapter 第三節 --- 王鳴盛輯佚之缺失 --- p.77 / Chapter 一、 --- 蒐輯失略 --- p.77 / Chapter 二、 --- 真偽失考 --- p.79 / Chapter 三、 --- 文字失校 --- p.87 / Chapter 四、 --- 修改失實 --- p.93 / Chapter 五、 --- 體例失審 --- p.97 / Chapter 第五章 --- 王鳴盛之鄭玄注疏證研究 --- p.101 / Chapter 第一節 --- 徵引群書 --- p.101 / Chapter 一、 --- 引《大傳》以釋之 --- p.104 / Chapter 二、 --- 引清人之說以釋之 --- p.114 / Chapter 第二節 --- 歷史地理 --- p.125 / Chapter 一、 --- 鄭引〈地理志〉非班〈志〉 --- p.127 / Chapter 二、 --- 釋九州四海 --- p.130 / Chapter 三、 --- 釋山水 --- p.133 / Chapter 四、 --- 釋地理沿革 --- p.140 / Chapter 第三節 --- 訓詁釋例 --- p.147 / Chapter 一、 --- 援據古訓 --- p.147 / Chapter 二、 --- 破讀假借 --- p.156 / Chapter 三、 --- 辨別字形 --- p.159 / Chapter 四、 --- 因聲求義 --- p.162 / Chapter 五、 --- 其他 --- p.163 / Chapter 第四節 --- 闕疑存異 --- p.166 / Chapter 一、 --- 鄭注闕疑之例 --- p.166 / Chapter 二、 --- 經義難明者，闕疑之 --- p.168 / Chapter 三、 --- 鄭注無者，引馬、王、偽孔，辨其是非 --- p.170 / Chapter 第六章 --- 王鳴盛《尚書》學個案研究 --- p.178 / Chapter 第一節 --- 戴震與王鳴盛 --- p.178 / Chapter 一、 --- 事件背景 --- p.178 / Chapter 二、 --- 〈與王內翰鳳喈書〉真偽考 --- p.181 / Chapter 三、 --- 鄭氏家法與戴、王學術 --- p.193 / Chapter 四、 --- 小結 --- p.202 / Chapter 附： --- 〈與王內翰鳳喈書〉三家校本 --- p.203 / Chapter 第二節 --- 焦循與王鳴盛 --- p.206 / Chapter 一、 --- 緣起 --- p.206 / Chapter 二、 --- 王鳴盛對焦循《尚書》學的影響 --- p.209 / Chapter 三、 --- 焦循對王氏《後案》的引用 --- p.223 / Chapter 四、 --- 小結 --- p.236 / Chapter 第七章 --- 王鳴盛《尚書》學之特色 --- p.237 / Chapter 第一節 --- 獨尊鄭學 --- p.237 / Chapter 一、 --- 承繼惠棟 --- p.237 / Chapter 二、 --- 鄭氏家法 --- p.239 / Chapter 第二節 --- 注重古訓 --- p.241 / Chapter 一、 --- 輯佚馬、王注 --- p.241 / Chapter 二、 --- 廣集書證 --- p.242 / Chapter 第三節 --- 兼及辨偽 --- p.244 / Chapter 一、 --- 《尚書後辨》 --- p.244 / Chapter 二、 --- 皇甫謐或王肅偽造 --- p.246 / Chapter 第八章 --- 結語 --- p.248 / Chapter 一、 --- 清代輯佚學 --- p.248 / Chapter 二、 --- 清代鄭氏學 --- p.250 / Chapter 三、 --- 清代《尚書》學 --- p.252 / 主要參考書目 --- p.256 / Chapter 一、 --- 王鳴盛相關研究論著 --- p.256 / Chapter 二、 --- 古籍（時代序） --- p.263 / Chapter 三、 --- 今著（筆劃序） --- p.270 / Chapter 附錄一： --- 王鳴盛研究著作分類索引（1912011) --- p.280 / Chapter 附錄二： --- 兩種《尚書後案》整理本點校舉誤 --- p.290

Durante as investigações da Conjuração Baiana de 1798, um grupo de homens de muita opulência e luzimento, qualificados por Luís dos Santos Vilhena de corporação dos enteados, fez pronta-entrega de seus escravos à justiça para livrarem-se da acusação de prática sediciosa no final do século XVIII, na capitania da Bahia. Esse episódio foi o ponto de partida para se comprovar a participação de pessoas dos médios e altos setores da sociedade soteropolitana na Conjuração Baiana de 1798, cujas demandas explicitadas nos boletins manuscritos eram inconciliáveis em seus termos, uma vez que o projeto político dos médios setores, os milicianos, vislumbrava a mudança dos hierarquizados critérios sociais que os impediam de participarem do universo político e ascenderem na carreira militar, e o projeto político dos altos setores, a corporação dos enteados, objetivava a conservação das regras do Sistema Colonial, que até então os tratava como enteados nas dinâmicas políticas e econômicas do Império Português. A documentação demonstra que o recrudescimento do pacto colonial anunciado pelas reformas modernizantes de d. Rodrigo de Sousa Coutinho desencadeou uma tomada de consciência da exploração colonial, fazendo com que os altos setores da sociedade soteropolitana do final do século XVIII reivindicassem a internalização de seus interesses econômicos e a manutenção de seus privilégios ameaçados com a possibilidade do fim dos monopólios, dos morgados, da mudança na forma de arrematação dos ofícios de fazenda e justiça, e da manutenção da prorrogação da arrematação dos dízimos para os negociantes portugueses. Após uma aliança programática com o contingente armado da capitania da Bahia, os médios e altos setores do Partido da Liberdade deflagraram o movimento com a publicação dos boletins manuscritos, explorando ao limite os dois principais medos no horizonte de expectativas da coroa portuguesa naquele conflituoso final de século: a miragem do livre comércio e a invasão francesa. Abertas as devassas para a investigação dos autores dos boletins manuscritos e dos partícipes do movimento, os altos setores recuaram, entregaram seus escravos à justiça e formularam as principais culpas que condenaram à pena de morte homens dos médios setores. Tratam-se, portanto, de elementos que permitem a análise da Conjuração Baiana de 1798 como um movimento de contestação política ocorrido em duas fases, durante o período de 1796-1800, contando com a efetiva participação dos altos e médios setores da sociedade soteropolitana da época. O enforcamento em praça pública dos réus da Conjuração Baiana de 1798, portanto, é paradigmático do fato de que projeto político vencedor foi o conservador, na medida em que a coroa portuguesa empreendeu uma série de soluções de compromisso com a corporação dos enteados, garantindo-lhes a internalização de seus interesses e a manutenção de seus privilégios, que os constituíam no setor dominante daquela sociedade, base social fundamental para a sustentação do poder monárquico português continuar a governar a conflitualidade no interior dos setores dominantes da sua principal colônia. / During the investigations of the Conjuração Baiana of 1798, a group of men with \"opulence and brightness\" qualified by Luís dos Santos Vilhena like the \"corporação dos enteados\", made a \"immediate delivery\" of their slaves to justice to rid themselves of charges of seditious practices in the late eighteenth century, at the captaincy of Bahia. This episode was the starting point to prove the participation of people from middle and higher social sectors of Salvador in the Conjuração Baiana of 1798, whose demands spelled out in manuscript bulletins were incompatible on their own terms, once the political project of the middle sectors, the militiamen, glimpsed the change of hierarchical social criteria that prevented them from participating in the political world and ascend in the military, and the political project of the upper sector, the corporação dos enteados, aimed at keeping the rules of the Colonial System, which until then was treated as \"enteados\" in the political and economic dynamics of the Portuguese Empire. The documentation shows that the intensification of the colonial pact announced by the modernizing reforms of d. Rodrigo de Sousa Coutinho triggered an awareness of colonial exploitation, making new claims of the higher social sectors of Salvador in the late eighteenth century to the internalization of its economic interests and maintain their privileges threatened with the possibility of the end of monopolies, of the morgados, the change in the auction of justice and treasury permissions, and maintaining the extension of auction of tithes to the Portuguese merchants. After a programmatic alliance with the armed contingent of the captaincy of Bahia, the middle and upper sectors of the Partido da Liberdade sparked the movement with the publication of manuscript bulletins, exploring the limits the two main fears on the horizon of expectations of the Portuguese crown at the end of that turbulent century: the mirage of free trade and the french invasion. With the start of the investigations to define the authors of these manuscripts and from participants of the movement, the higher sectors retreated, delivering their slaves to justice and formulating the main proves that condemned to death those men from the middle social sector. These elements allow the analysis of Conjuration Baiana of 1798 as a movement of political contestation that occurred in two phases, during the 1796-1800 period, with the effective participation of upper and middle social sectors of Salvador at the time. The hanging in public square of the defendants of the Conjuração Baiana of 1798, therefore, is paradigmatic of the fact that the winners political project was the conservative, in that sense that the Portuguese crown undertook a series of compromises with the corporação dos enteados, ensuring them to internalize their interests and maintain their privileges, which allows them to constitute the dominant sector of that society, and was fundamental to sustaining the continuance of Portuguese monarchy to govern the conflict within the dominant sectors of its main colony.

Thèse : Litt. it. : Zürich : 1993. / Bibliogr. p. 139.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1968. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

Durante as investigações da Conjuração Baiana de 1798, um grupo de homens de muita opulência e luzimento, qualificados por Luís dos Santos Vilhena de corporação dos enteados, fez pronta-entrega de seus escravos à justiça para livrarem-se da acusação de prática sediciosa no final do século XVIII, na capitania da Bahia. Esse episódio foi o ponto de partida para se comprovar a participação de pessoas dos médios e altos setores da sociedade soteropolitana na Conjuração Baiana de 1798, cujas demandas explicitadas nos boletins manuscritos eram inconciliáveis em seus termos, uma vez que o projeto político dos médios setores, os milicianos, vislumbrava a mudança dos hierarquizados critérios sociais que os impediam de participarem do universo político e ascenderem na carreira militar, e o projeto político dos altos setores, a corporação dos enteados, objetivava a conservação das regras do Sistema Colonial, que até então os tratava como enteados nas dinâmicas políticas e econômicas do Império Português. A documentação demonstra que o recrudescimento do pacto colonial anunciado pelas reformas modernizantes de d. Rodrigo de Sousa Coutinho desencadeou uma tomada de consciência da exploração colonial, fazendo com que os altos setores da sociedade soteropolitana do final do século XVIII reivindicassem a internalização de seus interesses econômicos e a manutenção de seus privilégios ameaçados com a possibilidade do fim dos monopólios, dos morgados, da mudança na forma de arrematação dos ofícios de fazenda e justiça, e da manutenção da prorrogação da arrematação dos dízimos para os negociantes portugueses. Após uma aliança programática com o contingente armado da capitania da Bahia, os médios e altos setores do Partido da Liberdade deflagraram o movimento com a publicação dos boletins manuscritos, explorando ao limite os dois principais medos no horizonte de expectativas da coroa portuguesa naquele conflituoso final de século: a miragem do livre comércio e a invasão francesa. Abertas as devassas para a investigação dos autores dos boletins manuscritos e dos partícipes do movimento, os altos setores recuaram, entregaram seus escravos à justiça e formularam as principais culpas que condenaram à pena de morte homens dos médios setores. Tratam-se, portanto, de elementos que permitem a análise da Conjuração Baiana de 1798 como um movimento de contestação política ocorrido em duas fases, durante o período de 1796-1800, contando com a efetiva participação dos altos e médios setores da sociedade soteropolitana da época. O enforcamento em praça pública dos réus da Conjuração Baiana de 1798, portanto, é paradigmático do fato de que projeto político vencedor foi o conservador, na medida em que a coroa portuguesa empreendeu uma série de soluções de compromisso com a corporação dos enteados, garantindo-lhes a internalização de seus interesses e a manutenção de seus privilégios, que os constituíam no setor dominante daquela sociedade, base social fundamental para a sustentação do poder monárquico português continuar a governar a conflitualidade no interior dos setores dominantes da sua principal colônia. / During the investigations of the Conjuração Baiana of 1798, a group of men with \"opulence and brightness\" qualified by Luís dos Santos Vilhena like the \"corporação dos enteados\", made a \"immediate delivery\" of their slaves to justice to rid themselves of charges of seditious practices in the late eighteenth century, at the captaincy of Bahia. This episode was the starting point to prove the participation of people from middle and higher social sectors of Salvador in the Conjuração Baiana of 1798, whose demands spelled out in manuscript bulletins were incompatible on their own terms, once the political project of the middle sectors, the militiamen, glimpsed the change of hierarchical social criteria that prevented them from participating in the political world and ascend in the military, and the political project of the upper sector, the corporação dos enteados, aimed at keeping the rules of the Colonial System, which until then was treated as \"enteados\" in the political and economic dynamics of the Portuguese Empire. The documentation shows that the intensification of the colonial pact announced by the modernizing reforms of d. Rodrigo de Sousa Coutinho triggered an awareness of colonial exploitation, making new claims of the higher social sectors of Salvador in the late eighteenth century to the internalization of its economic interests and maintain their privileges threatened with the possibility of the end of monopolies, of the morgados, the change in the auction of justice and treasury permissions, and maintaining the extension of auction of tithes to the Portuguese merchants. After a programmatic alliance with the armed contingent of the captaincy of Bahia, the middle and upper sectors of the Partido da Liberdade sparked the movement with the publication of manuscript bulletins, exploring the limits the two main fears on the horizon of expectations of the Portuguese crown at the end of that turbulent century: the mirage of free trade and the french invasion. With the start of the investigations to define the authors of these manuscripts and from participants of the movement, the higher sectors retreated, delivering their slaves to justice and formulating the main proves that condemned to death those men from the middle social sector. These elements allow the analysis of Conjuration Baiana of 1798 as a movement of political contestation that occurred in two phases, during the 1796-1800 period, with the effective participation of upper and middle social sectors of Salvador at the time. The hanging in public square of the defendants of the Conjuração Baiana of 1798, therefore, is paradigmatic of the fact that the winners political project was the conservative, in that sense that the Portuguese crown undertook a series of compromises with the corporação dos enteados, ensuring them to internalize their interests and maintain their privileges, which allows them to constitute the dominant sector of that society, and was fundamental to sustaining the continuance of Portuguese monarchy to govern the conflict within the dominant sectors of its main colony.

No description available.