Tese (doutorado)—Universidade de Brasília, Intituto de Ciências Sociais, Departamento de Sociologia, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Sociologia, 2013. / Submitted by Tania Milca Carvalho Malheiros (tania@bce.unb.br) on 2013-09-30T20:25:25Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2013_TiagoIvoOdon_Parcial.pdf: 3098887 bytes, checksum: 6f0020a3cbae4da7849e62298bd1302a (MD5) / Rejected by Guimaraes Jacqueline(jacqueline.guimaraes@bce.unb.br), reason: Tânia, Checar com o autor qual conteúdo ficará restrito. Obrigada! Jacqueline on 2013-10-04T11:58:01Z (GMT) / Submitted by Tania Milca Carvalho Malheiros (tania@bce.unb.br) on 2013-10-09T14:13:47Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2013_TiagoIvoOdon_Parcial.pdf: 3104234 bytes, checksum: 1475815066ef94e062ac1d514f4d872c (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Guimaraes Jacqueline(jacqueline.guimaraes@bce.unb.br) on 2013-10-14T15:28:46Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2013_TiagoIvoOdon_Parcial.pdf: 3104234 bytes, checksum: 1475815066ef94e062ac1d514f4d872c (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-10-14T15:28:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2013_TiagoIvoOdon_Parcial.pdf: 3104234 bytes, checksum: 1475815066ef94e062ac1d514f4d872c (MD5) / O objetivo do trabalho é propor uma interpretação histórico-social para a construção da ordem no Brasil após a sua independência, analisando como o sistema jurídico estatal foi estruturado e que ideias e interesses estavam em jogo nesse processo. Foram analisados textos de leis, discursos e pareceres de parlamentares e conselheiros de Estado, comentários de juristas, textos da imprensa, obras escritas e anotações de viajantes estrangeiros da época do Império. A pesquisa revelou que: 1) o sistema jurídico estatal brasileiro foi estruturado a partir da eleição de um inimigo da ordem pública e do papel central desempenhado pelo direito penal; 2) a classe dominante construiu um sistema jurídico repressivo com o fim de manter a coesão social e impedir a iminente guerra civil, dada a heterogeneidade das ideias de valor cultivadas pelas diferentes classes sociais e o déficit de acordo moral sobre os interesses gerais e subjacentes na sociedade; 3) o ordenamento jurídico foi moldado principalmente para marcar e normalizar o escravo liberto e o pobre ocioso, camadas sociais consideradas perigosas no plano político-social e supérfluas no plano econômico, lançando mão de uma técnica de poder de controle da presença social e da circulação dessas pessoas; 4) o direito penal foi usado para intermediar os conflitos sociais, servir como “lei geral do império” para questões da vida civil, inserir a mão-de-obra escrava no mercado livre e impor ao pobre livre uma subjetividade social voltada para o trabalho, tutelar práticas honestas de comércio e garantir a prestação de serviços para a agricultura. De tudo, pode-se extrair a conclusão geral de que a ideação social em torno do escravo e do pobre livre, os quais se transformaram num grande grupo social uniforme para a classe dominante, e o medo constante de uma guerra civil, levaram ao estabelecimento de um discurso da desigualdade essencial, paralelamente ao da hierarquia, o qual levou à criação de um aparato burocrático racional-legal voltado para a repressão, que tinha na linguagem da pena o único diálogo possível entre o Estado e a sociedade, e que persiste até os dias de hoje no imaginário social, como evidencia o peso e riqueza da legislação penal em vigor no Brasil. ______________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT / The objective of this work is to propose an interpretation for the historical and social construction of order in Brazil after its Independence, analyzing how the state legal system was structured and what ideas and interests were at stake in this process. We analyzed texts of laws, speeches and opinions of parliamentarians and councilors of State, jurists comments, media texts, writings and notes of foreign travelers at the time of the Empire. The research revealed that: 1) the brazilian state legal system was structured from the election of an enemy of the public order and the central role played by criminal law; 2) the ruling class built a repressive legal system in order to maintain social cohesion and prevent the imminent civil war, given the heterogeneity of ideas of value cultivated by the different social classes and the lack of moral agreement about the general and underlying interests and underlying in society; 3) the legal system was shaped to appoint and normalize the freed slaves and the otiose poor, considered dangerous in the political-social plain and superfluous in the economic, resorting to a technique of power to control the social presence and the movements of these people; 4) the criminal law was used to mediate social conflicts, to serve as "general law of the Empire" for civil life issues, to enter the slave workforce into the free market and impose the free poor a social subjectivity oriented towards work, to protect honest trade practices and to ensure the provision of services for agriculture. To sum up, it is possible to draw the general conclusion that the social ideation around the slave and the free poor, which turned into a big and uniform social group in the eyes of the ruling class, and the constant fear of a civil war, led to the establishment of a discourse of essential inequality, parallel to a discourse of hierarchy, which led to the creation of a rational-legal bureaucratic apparatus towards repression, which had in the language of the penalty the only possible dialogue between the state and society, and that persists to this day in the social imaginary, as evidenced by the weight and richness of the criminal law in force in Brazil. ______________________________________________________________________________ RÉSUMÉ / L'objectif de ce travail est de proposer une interprétation socio-historique de la construction de l'ordre au Brésil après son indépendance, en analysant de quelle façon le système juridique de l’État a été structuré et quelles étaient les idées et les intérêtes impliqués dans ce processus. Nous avons analysé: des textes de lois; des discours et des des avis des parlamentaires et des conseillers de état; des commentaires des juriste;s des textes des presses; des écrits et des notes des voyageurs étrangers au pendant la période imperiale. La recherche a révélé que: 1) le système juridique de l’État brésilien a été structuré à partir de l'élection d'un ennemi de l'ordre public et de la fonction central du droit penal; 2) la classe dirigeante a construit un répressif système juridique qui avait pour but maintenir la cohésion sociale et prévenir la guerre civile imminente, étant donné l'hétérogénéité des idées de valeur cultivées par des différentes classes sociales et l'absence d'accord moral sur l'intérêt général de la société; 3) le système juridique a été formé pour marquer et normaliser l'esclave affranchi et pauvres oisifs, considérés comme dangereux dans le domaine politique-sociale et, en même temps, superflus dans le domaine écnomique, et l’Ètat a contrôlé la présence sociale de ces personnes; 4) le droit pénal a été utilisé pour arbitrer les conflits sociaux, servir de “loi générale de l’Empire” aux questions de l avie civile, introduire la main d’oeuvre eslave dans le marché du travail imposer aux personnes appauvries une subjectivité social orientée vers le travail, protéger des pratiques commerciales honnêtes et assurer la prestation de services pour l'agriculture. Finalement, nous pouvons concluire que l'idéation social autour de l'esclave et le pauvre libre, lesquels s'est transformée en un groupe social homogène pour la classe dirigeante, et la peur constante d'une guerre civile, a conduit la mise en place d'un discours de la inégalité essentielle, parallèlement à un discours de la hiérarchie, lequel a conduit à la création d'une appareil bureaucratique rationnelle-légale de répression, qui a dans la langue de la peine le seul dialogue possible entre l'état et la société, et qui persiste à ce jour dans l'imaginaire social, comme en témoignent la richesse de la loi pénale en vigueur au Brésil.

O presente trabalho discute a formação dos aparatos institucionais à pobreza na América portuguesa, especialmente no Rio de Janeiro e Vila Rica, entre 1700 e 1822. Eleitas como os dois pilares de continuidade do império português durante a época moderna, as Câmaras e as irmandades da Misericórdia eram também as duas principais bases de sustentação sobre as quais se ergueu o sistema de caridade voltado de forma mais ampla para a população. No entanto, a América portuguesa presenciou uma parca e fragmentária rede de Misericórdias durante o período colonial. Partido de discursos que pregavam o amor ao próximo, essas instituições selecionaram seu público beneficiário, hierarquizando e, por vezes, interditando serviços a determinados grupos, marcadamente os mestiços e os escravos. Diante de uma rede assistencial absolutamente frágil e da considerável redução do escopo de atendíveis pelas Misericórdias, os pobres do Brasil se valeram antes das redes de auxílio informal, do que dos estabelecimentos que se apropriavam das noções cristãs de caridade. / This thesis discusses the formation of the institutional apparatuses dealing with poverty in Portuguese America, especially in Rio de Janeiro and Vila Rica, between 1700 and 1822. Acknowledged as the two pillars of continuity of the Portuguese empire during modern age, the Concils and the brotherhoods of Misericórdias (Santa Casa de Misericórdia) were also the main sources of supports of the charity system which aimed more broadly at the population. However, Portuguese America witnessed a rather limited and fragmented network of Misericórdias during the colonial period. Based on discourses preaching love of neighbour, these institutions selected their beneficiary public; they ranked services, and sometimes sealed off certain groups, notably the mestizos and the slaves. Faced with a definitely fragile care network and with the considerable reduction of scope of who were eligible to benefit from the Misericórdias, Brazil\'s poor shave turned to informal support networks, rather than to the establishments which appropriated Christian notions of charity.

O trabalho estuda a formação do Rio Grande no contexto de crise do Antigo Sistema Colonial. A hipótese é que a incorporação econômica do extremo-sul no final do século XVIII - num contexto de crise - unificou os mercados coloniais, constituindo-se numa divisão imperial do trabalho, que encaminharia a descolonização. Neste sentido, a tese se desenvolve em torno de quatro capítulos. O 1º capítulo discute a geopolítica do extremo-sul da América Portuguesa no século XVIII, apontando para os principais problemas na expansão territorial. Afinal, era pela onipresença da concorrência intermetropolitana que o Estado português dimensionava o processo de colonização no extremo-sul e a sua relação com as populações das regiões fronteiriças do Império. A exposição destes problemas inicia pela geopolítica colonial, ainda nos quadros do Antigo Sistema Colonial, e se completa com a geopolítica do Império americano, pois com a vinda da família Real em 1808 se alterou profundamente o contexto político e a visão de Império que se possuía na Corte. O 2º capítulo analisa as formas pelas quais o extremo-sul foi sendo integrado economicamente ao Império português, iniciando por um estudo do comércio colonial no final do século XVIII, para, em seguida, discutir a própria \"formação econômica\" do Rio Grande Sul no interior de uma divisão imperial do trabalho; no final, introduz-se a questão do contrabando que necessariamente problematiza a relação entre sistema colonial e Império. O 3º capítulo passa a caracterizar o Rio Grande economicamente, de maneira que se pretende entender os modos como a economia regional respondia à conjuntura do final do século XVIII e às flutuações mais curtas do mercado atlântico. Além disto, o capítulo desdobra algumas questões levantadas no capítulo 2: a relação com os ritmos da agroexportação, o papel que o contrabando espanhol exercia no comércio local e a dinâmica das exportações rio-grandenses. Finalmente, o 4º capítulo discute as políticas oficiais e os projetos de integração do Rio Grande Sul / This thesis studies the formation of Rio Grande in a context of crisis in the colonial system. We want to prove the economic integration of Rio Grande in Brazil, on a context of crisis, consolidate an imperial work\'s division in the colony and introduced the Independence\'s process. Our work is organized in four chapters. The first chapter discusses the geopolitics about extreme south of America, pointing the problems in the Portuguese territorial expansion. By the risks of metropolitan concurrency the Portuguese State started the colonization and established your relationship with the Rio Grande\'s colonial elite. The explanation begins with the colonial geopolitics, in the terms of the colonial system, and is concluded by the imperial geopolitics, because, after transference of Real Family (1808), the projects and visions of Empire were deeply modified. The second chapter analyzes the ways of Rio Grande economic integration in the Portuguese Empire. We study the colonial commerce patterns in the late XVIII century to introduce the idea of Rio Grande economic formation in an imperial work\'s division within Brazil. On the third part of the chapter, the contraband is discussed because it embarrasses the relations between Empire and colonial system. The third chapter explains the \"economics\" of Rio Grande and it connections with the conjuncture and fluctuations of Atlantic market in the late XVIII century. Moreover, we develop some questions produced in chapter 2: the links with the plantation economy, the role of Spanish contraband and the dynamics of Rio Grande\'s exportations. Finally, the fourth chapter examines the government policy and the integration\'s projects of Rio Grande in the colonial Empire.

Orientador: José Ricardo Barbosa Gonçalves / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-27T16:04:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Corazza_LucasLimaOtranto_M.pdf: 1311272 bytes, checksum: 1e818ead63ea7f6ab59854a5a278a3b2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015 / Resumo: O trabalho propõe a colocação de um problema ao campo da historiografia brasileira sobre a economia e sociedade coloniais, sob o ângulo do mercado. Busca-se fazer uma discussão entre as perspectivas do Antigo Sistema Colonial e do que veio a denominar-se Antigo Regime nos Trópicos. Após vinte e poucos anos do início da polêmica entre as perspectivas, os entraves que as separaram em lados opostos parecem perder o sentido. Como toda história é história contemporânea, o contexto que havia informado a mudança de perguntas sobre o passado colonial, acompanhando a consolidação da controvérsia e a revisão de teses consagradas, mudou uma vez mais. O problema de nosso tempo sendo marcado pelo domínio do mercado sobre a vida, ao criar a necessidade de perguntar-se por como seus mecanismos funcionaram à colônia e sua relação com a sociedade, permite a possibilidade de contato entre as unidades de análise distintas a partir desta questão, bem como através dela ler o campo aberto pela historiografia nestas últimas décadas, nas suas incursões sobre histórias regionais. Para tanto, segue-se o rastro das tensões geradas pela realização dos negócios coloniais, que, na passagem para o século XVIII, são identificadas em variados fenômenos ligados à orientação da vida econômica ao mercado / Abstract: In this work we propose a problem in the field of brazilian historiography on economics and society, under the angle of the market. We seek to realize a discussion between the perspective of the Old Colonial System and the Old Regime in the Tropics one. After twenty and a couple of years from de beginning of the controversy, the issues that kept them separated in opposite sites seem to have lost its meaning. As all history is contemporary history, the context which had informed a change of questions about colonial past, following the consolidation of the dispute and the revision of stablished thesis, has shifted once again. The problem of our time being defined by the mercantilization of all aspects of life brings about the question of how its mechanisms operated at the colony and how was its relation with society, and with this allows the possibility of dialogue between the two distinct unity of analysis through the market issue, as well as make possible to apprehend historiography's last decades field through it, in its incursions on regional history. For that, we trail the course of the tensions brought forth by the realization of colonial business, which, in the passage to the eighteenth century, are identified in various phenomenas connected with economic life being oriented to the market / Mestrado / Historia Economica / Mestre em Desenvolvimento Econômico

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Orientador: José Jobson de Andrade Arruda / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-22T21:56:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pereira_GabrielLangie_M.pdf: 2691715 bytes, checksum: ff9f1f6d304ade6f2fb92e020599db62 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / Resumo: A partir dos processos referentes a danos e a sequestros de bens enviados e julgados pela Comissão Mista Brasil-Portugal - criada pelo Tratado de Paz e Amizade de 1825, que também reconheceu a Independência do Brasil -, ocorridos nas províncias do Maranhão e do Pará durante as disputas políticas que culminaram no alinhamento ao sistema do Rio de Janeiro, operou-se os dados e as informações nesses constantes no sentido de contribuir para o entendimento dos interesses econômicos em jogo em meio ao processo de crise política. A nós emergiu um comércio importador e exportador no qual seus agentes estavam fortemente ligados aos negociantes de Portugal. Mesmo deparando-nos com a indefinição da nacionalidade em muitos dos casos, que reporta a questões de identidade política coletiva, ficou evidente a vinculação e a formação de alguns interesses numa rede mercantil na qual a região mostrou-se dependente dos negociantes reinóis, diferentemente do que os estudos vêem salientando para o comércio da cidade do Rio de Janeiro, centralizadora do comércio do centro-sul brasileiro, ou da Bahia, que possuíam uma elite de comerciantes residentes relativamente autônoma, com negócios próprios. Nossa intenção foi caminhar no sentido de problematizar as interpretações sobre a economia colonial, dando ênfase à questão da temporalidade no desenvolvimento econômico das diversas partes do Império português, abrindo o diálogo entre essas interpretações e as diversas formações coloniais que tal império englobava / Abstract: From cases involving kidnappings and damage of goods shipped and judged by the Brazil-Portugal - created by the Treaty of Peace and Friendship of 1825, which also recognized the independence of Brazil - which occurred in the provinces of Maranhão and Pará during political disputes culminating in the alignment system of Rio de Janeiro, operated the data and information contained in these in order to contribute to the understanding of the economic interests at stake through the process of political crisis. The nodes emerged one import and export trade in which its agents were strongly linked to the dealers from Portugal. Even encountering us with the blurring of nationality in many cases, which reports on issues of collective political identity, it became evident linking and formation of some mercantile interests in a network in which the region was dependent dealers of the kingdom differently than studies see for trade stressing city of Rio de Janeiro, centralizing trade of south-central Brazil, or Bahia, who had an elite businessmen living relatively autonomous, with its own business. Our intention was to move towards questioning the interpretations of the colonial economy, emphasizing the issue of temporality in the economic development of the various parts of the Portuguese Empire, opening dialogue between these interpretations and the various formations such colonial empire encompassed / Mestrado / Historia Economica / Mestre em Desenvolvimento Econômico

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During Matthew Arnold's lifetime England was in permanent transition: the emergence of a modern industrial society, the new science and liberalized Christianity, and the democratic and humanitarian movements. To be a writer during this time required a curious and precarious balances an alternation of steadfastness and change. Arnold's moving back and forth between the traditions of romanticism and rationalism does present a challenge to the contemporary reader; no single or systematic approach can be applied to his works. An examination of a selection of Arnold's poems, written predominantly between 1845 and 1857, shows the author's reassessment of man's place in the new cosmology as necessitated by the scientific and technological advances of the century. The poems selected also suggest movement away from the romantic concept of the greatness of the past and yesterday's larger-than-life hero toward an acceptance of the best life as represented by the present generation of men. Arnold's theory, that the best self or right reason manifests itself in heroic men, in leaders, and confirms ordinary men, is found throughout the poems studied.

Hailed in his time as the greatest living artist, Antonio Canova (1757-1822) expressed his genius not only through the masterful conception and carving of his sculptures, but also in the meticulous orchestration of their display. Enshrining his marble figures alongside plaster casts of ancient works, bathing them in candlelight, staining and waxing their surfaces, and even setting them in motion on rotating bases, Canova challenged his audiences to rethink the very nature of sculpture. My dissertation argues, for the first time, that the meanings and impact of Canova's sculpture depended in significant part on the ways in which he and his patrons exhibited them. Canova himself began staging his work in Rome in the 1780s. His patrons, following the artist's lead, subsequently mounted their own dramatic exhibitions of Canova's work. Organized as a series of case studies, the dissertation examines four key exhibitions of Canova's work in four major European centers--Rome, Naples, Venice and Paris--from 1780-1843. These exhibitions had multiple functions. On the one hand, they enabled Canova to showcase his artistic talent and allowed his patrons to advertise their wealth and good taste. More importantly, however, these exhibitions required viewers to transform their interaction with Canova's sculptures into performative moments in which they displayed their own historical, cultural and artistic knowledge. Viewers of Canova's work performed their own position as beholders, and, indeed, my dissertation is as preoccupied with the reception of Canova's sculptures as it is with his and his patrons' display strategies. Not only do viewers' accounts often reveal the particularities of the exhibitions themselves, but the intensity of beholders' responses to Canova's work also signals the way that his sculptures took on a wide-variety of meanings that he and his patrons could not always control. Equally striking is the way diverse visitors continued to find meaning, validity, and subjects for debate in Canova's work despite sixty years of political, historical, and social change. Throughout many transformations, Canova's sculptures remained a focal point for discussions of politics, cultural heritage, archaeology, connoisseurship, artistic production and the development of art history itself. I have focused largely on three Italian centers because Italy was the center of origin for many of aspects of Canova's stagings. In Rome, for instance, Canova was introduced to serious study of the antique and it was there that he began to compare his works of art with ancient masterpieces. The display of Triumphant Perseus next to a cast of the Apollo Belvedere, for instance, generated conversations regarding the nature of imitation and the importance setting and political circumstances had on the understanding of his work. In Naples, on the other hand, the exhibition of Venus and Adonis in a tempietto in the garden of Francesco Maria Berio, Marchese di Salza, launched a city-wide debate regarding modes of artistic production and the best means of communicating those artistic possibilities to an audience. In Venice, in 1817, Leopoldo Cicognara juxtaposed Canova's Polinnia with recently restored Venetian Old Master paintings, including Titian's Assumption of the Virgin, in the Accademia di Belle Arti's new public painting gallery. This exhibition reaffirmed the Veneto's artistic authority at a moment when Venice's political fortunes were at their nadir. Given the primacy French art has held in the study of the nineteenth century, I hope serious reevaluation of this period will contribute to a renewed understanding of the importance Italy had for the history of art at the turn of the century. Yet, I conclude the project by focusing on Paris. It was there, in the French capital, where the exhibition of Canova's Penitent Magdalene in the townhouse of Giambattista Sommariva launched a discussion about expression and the emotional resonance of art. Penitent Magdalene's despair encouraged beholders' self-reflection, and in so doing reinforced notions of individuality and the self, established the sculpture as a particularly "French" and modern work, and perhaps more importantly, forged a direct link between emotional resonance and aesthetic value. Throughout Europe, the staging of sculptures organized by Canova and his patrons generated discussion about the appropriate ways to look at, talk about, and write about sculpture. Reactions to Canova's works inspired wide-spread debates about the nature of artistic production, the writing of art history, the context and significance of exhibitions and personal emotional reactions to works of art. My dissertation reimagines Canova's keystone position in the larger art world of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century by bringing the contexts of exhibition and response into our understanding of the artist and his work.

Tese (doutorado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Ciências Humanas, Programa de Pós-Graduação em História, 2018. / Com base em documentos de diversas origens, parte substancial deles sob guarda do Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino, este trabalho procura estudar os conflitos provocados pelas tentativas de instalação do correio-mor na América portuguesa, entre as décadas de 1650 e 1750. A análise orienta-se pela convergência de três vetores, de diferentes naturezas e correspondentes a fenômenos desenvolvidos em distintas escalas temporais, mas que se interligam nos casos estudados. O primeiro é um lento processo de transformação da monarquia portuguesa, a migração de uma concepção jurisdicionalista de poder e de uma administração “econômica” (no sentido original de gestão da esfera doméstica), para outras, mais “políticas”, mais preocupadas com o bem-estar geral, com o abastecimento e com a regulação da res publica. O segundo corresponde à trajetória de um dos braços dessa monarquia, o correio-mor, marcada tanto por conflitos em vários níveis, quanto pela sua venda pela Coroa a particulares no início do século XVII, de acordo com uma lógica dominial e patrimonial, que ainda teria consequências nas duas centúrias seguintes. Finalmente, mas não de menor importância, entram em cena os fatores locais, entre os quais avultam as estratégias de grupos e agentes individuais, que davam colorido específico aos movimentos mais amplos da monarquia. O trabalho procura mostrar que o desenvolvimento dos sistemas disponíveis para a comunicação escrita na América portuguesa foi bastante diferente daquele que se pode observar em Portugal, como resultado de um processo em que se encontraram várias forças. No espaço metropolitano, apesar das críticas a que foi submetido, o correio-mor tornou-se um instrumento de territorialização e de governação sob mando da Coroa, tendo logrado instalar, até a metade do século XVIII, uma rede que abrangia praticamente toda a área do país. No Brasil, por outro lado, a implantação do correio-mor malogrou, diante de uma feroz resistência dos poderes locais e, a partir de 1730, da proibição régia de que atuasse no interior do país. Tal diferença só pode ser adequadamente compreendida diante do encontro dos fatores há pouco mencionados, no quadro de uma cultura política bastante pragmática, que tinha a negociação e a adaptação como elementos essenciais. / Based on documents from diverse origins, a substantial part of them under the custody of the Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino, this work seeks to study the conflicts caused by attempts to install the postal service in Portuguese America between the 1650s and 1750s. The analysis of this subject is oriented by the convergence of three vectors, of different natures and related to phenomena that, although developed at different temporal scales, are interconnect in the cases studied. The first is a slow process of transformation of the Portuguese monarchy, the migration from a jurisdictional conception of power and an "economic" administration (in the original sense of management of a household), to others, more "political", more concerned with general well-being, with the supply and regulation of res publica. The second corresponds to the trajectory of one of the arms of this monarchy, the postal service, marked by conflicts at various levels and by its sale by the Crown to individuals in the early seventeenth century, according to a dominated and patrimonial logic, which still would have consequences in the next two centuries. Last but not least, local factors come into play, among which are the strategies of individual groups and agents, which gave specific colors to the larger movements of the monarchy. This work tries to show that the development of the systems available for written communication in Portuguese America was quite different from the one that can be observed in Portugal, as a result of a process in which there was the encounter of several forces. In the metropolitan area, despite the criticisms it underwent, the postmaster became an instrument of territorialization and governance under the command of the Crown, and succeeded in establishing, until the mid-eighteenth century, a network covering almost the entire area of the country. In Brazil, on the other hand, the implantation of the postal service failed, in the face of fierce resistance from local authorities and also as a result of the royal ban, from 1730, on acting inside the country. Such a difference can only be adequately understood in view of the encounter of the factors mentioned before, considering the perspective of a very pragmatic political culture, which had negotiation and adaptation as essential elements.