Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:28:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2007-01-18Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:15:53Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 zanetti_ap_me_mar.pdf: 820830 bytes, checksum: 77f4ebdc46a2b0c91abbce1b59349d13 (MD5) / Partindo dos pressupostos teórico-metodológico de Geertz, em que afirma ser a ideologia o resultado de uma manipulação intencional de formas culturais, além de Foucault, das formas de problematização, ou seja, o modo através do qual determinado tema, determinado objeto, parecem se impor num certo momento como aquilo que há para ser pensado; também em práticas e modificações, todos os jogos de poder que “objetivam” o fenômeno e o propõem ou o impõe como alvo de reflexão e de ação aparentemente obrigatório e quase natural; tomo como objeto de estudo o pensamento de Alberto Torres e sua apropriação “intelectual-política”, onde sua produção intelectual e a biografia nos permite interpretar uma visão do Brasil no período histórico que marcaram os anos de propaganda republicana, consolidação da República e o descontentamento imediato, por parte dos intelectuais que viram o projeto de República de seus sonhos malogrados. A problematização destacada nesse trabalho é da construção de um projeto político de “organização nacional” de Alberto Torres que apenas teve alcance décadas depois, com a geração de 1920, sendo reapropriado, no esforço prático dos intelectuais de substituir as práticas arrivistas das oligarquias e afirma seu papel como classe dirigente. / From Geertz's theoretical-methodological presupposition which states that ideology is the result of an intentional manipulation of cultural patterns, besides Foucault,of problematizing patterns, so as the way through which determined issue,determined object seem to be, in a certain moment, imposed as what to be thought about; also in practices and modifications, all the games of power that aim the phenomenon and propose it or impose it asan obeject of reflection and action apparently obligatory and almost natural; I take as object of study Alberto Torres's thought and his political-intellectual assumption in which his intellectual production and the biography allow us to interpret a view of Brazil in a historical period which marked the years of the republican propaganda, the consolidation of the Republic and the immediatedissatisfaction by the intellectuals who saw the failure of the Republic project of their dreams. The problematic spotted in this work is the construction of Alberto Torres's political project of national organization which was only reached some decades later with the generation of 1920, being readopted in the effort of replacing opportunist practices of the oligarchies and assure his role as a directing class.

Doctorat en philosophie et lettres / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Inspiration as embodied in the mythical figure of the Muse is an insistent theme in Yeats' poetry. His particular concept of the Muse is drawn from Celtic mythology, and in its principal aspects is synonymous with Robert Graves' sinister White Goddess, which derives from similar or cognate sources in Celtic lore. The White Goddess is described in terms of a triad of mother, beloved and slayer, and may be considered the prototype for the Gaelic Muse, celebrated by poets as the Leanhaun Sidhe. Originally, the Leanhaun Sidhe was a goddess of the Tuatha De Danaan; the Danaans were the divinities of ancient Eire who finally "dwindled in the popular imagination" to become the fairy folk, or Sidhe. Fractions of Yeats' prose and his collections of Celtic stories portray the Sidhe's activities and the Muse's gift of deathly inspiration. The Leanhaun Sidhe and her fairy denizens predominate in Yeats' first major poem "The Wanderings of Oisin" and in his first three volumes of poetry. The Celtic theme of the seduction of a mortal by a fairy enchantress provides the controlling structure of "The Wanderings of Oisin." The ornately beautiful and sinister Niamh entices Oisin away from his cherished Fenian companions and from all human experience; however, after three hundred years in the immortal realm, Oisin longs to return to the insufficiencies of mortality. "The Wanderings of Oisin" establishes the equivocal dialectic of the fairy and human orders, of seductive vision and inescapable fact, which underlies much of Yeats' later work. The attributes of the Leanhaun Sidhe are also seminal. As White Goddess, she represents the beloved in whom the dualities of creation and destruction coincide; in addition she possesses individual qualities, notably, her sadness. Niamh is comparable to the fairy beguilers of Crossways and particularly to the Muse figures of The Rose. In this second volume, Yeats supplicates the Rose (the Celtic Muse) for the facility to sing Danaan songs. Her inspiration allows him to perceive the essence underlying the phenomenal world, but again the transcendent cannot deny the finite and the immortal Rose remains transfixed upon the Rood of Time ("To the Rose upon the Rood of Time"). Her role as White Goddess is emphatic: she prompts God to create the world, but conversely her beauty effects its destruction. The Wind among the Reeds embodies a climactic treatment of the flight into fairyland. The poet meditates upon the apocalyptic Sidhe with unceasing desire; there is no counterweight to alluring vision. In the poetry of 1904-10, the Muse retains her role of White Goddess, but becomes a creature of mortality. Since she is both changeful and subject to change, the poet laments her cruel fickleness and her transiency. Although mortal, she is the human original for the heroic archetype, and Yeats endows her with the epic savagery and recklessness of the Celtic warrior queens. The Morrigu becomes the source of inspiration. After The Green Helmet and Other Poems the Muse no longer serves as a major structural theme. Yeats becomes preoccupied with the finished work of art, the highly-wrought artefact, rather than with the inspiration for that work. The Muse is the legendary destructive beloved, Mary Hynes or Helen, but the poet creates her, she does not create him. The Muse as artefact proves the invention of the aged poet who cannot render an impassioned dedication to female beauty. "The Tower" is the most prominent poem to treat this change, yet even here Yeats reaffirms his dual allegiance to art and life, the resolution echoing the pattern established in "The Wanderings of Oisin." In the late poetry, the White Goddess as Muse is totally disavowed and Yeats turns to the persona of the fleshly Crazy Jane; interestingly, the aged poet celebrates the pleasures of the body and of the physical universe. / Arts, Faculty of / English, Department of / Graduate

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This thesis is a study of selected speeches of Abraham Lincoln in their historical continuum.

吳文堅. / "2006年9月" / 論文(哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 2006. / 參考文獻(leaves 154-173). / "2006 nian 9 yue" / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Wu Wenjian. / Lun wen (Zhe xue shuo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2006. / Can kao wen xian (leaves 154-173). / Chapter 第一章 --- 緒論 --- p.8 / Chapter (1) --- 硏究緣起 --- p.8 / Chapter (2) --- 課題意義與基本視角 --- p.14 / Chapter (3) --- 前人硏究回顧 --- p.16 / Chapter 第二章 --- 軍與匪：名詞定義與分析槪念 --- p.23 / Chapter (1) --- 軍閥的定義 --- p.23 / Chapter (2) --- 北洋軍閥的辨識 --- p.29 / Chapter (3) --- 土匪的定義 --- p.34 / Chapter 第三章 --- 「四省剿匪計劃」的背景與目的 --- p.39 / Chapter (1) --- 丁巳復辟與北洋集團的整合 --- p.39 / Chapter (2) --- 定武軍之亂的槪況 --- p.41 / Chapter (3) --- 定武軍之亂與「四省剿匪計劃」的關係 --- p.49 / Chapter (4) --- 段祺瑞的「四省剿匪計劃」與武力統一策略 --- p.54 / Chapter (5) --- 小結 --- p.62 / Chapter 第四章 --- 「四省剿匪計劃」的初步成效 --- p.63 / Chapter (1) --- 張敬堯任四省剿匪督辦的由來 --- p.63 / Chapter (2) --- 四省督軍排拒剿匪督辦的原因 --- p.65 / Chapter (3) --- 四省兵匪現象的蔓延 --- p.72 / Chapter (4) --- 「四省剿匪計劃」的功能 --- p.79 / Chapter (5) --- 「四省剿匪計劃」的初步成效 --- p.81 / Chapter (6) --- 小結 --- p.101 / Chapter 第五章 --- 「四省剿匪計劃」的執行與後遺症 --- p.103 / Chapter (1) --- 剿匪督辦的爭奪戰 --- p.104 / Chapter (2) --- 「土匪護法軍」的形成 --- p.117 / Chapter (3) --- 「土匪護法軍」的騷亂槪況 --- p.124 / Chapter (4) --- 「四省剿匪計劃」與「土匪護法軍」的消滅 --- p.132 / Chapter (5) --- 兵匪循環：「毛思忠模式」 --- p.138 / Chapter (6) --- 小結 --- p.145 / Chapter 第六章 --- 結論 --- p.147 / 參考書目 --- p.154

This thesis places the Democratic party at the centre of the Reconstruction narrative and investigates the transformation of the antebellum Democracy into its postbellum form. In doing so, it addresses the relative scarcity of scholarship on the postwar Democrats, and provides an original contribution to knowledge by (a) explaining how the party survived the Civil War and (b) providing a comprehensive analysis of an extended process of internal conflict over the Democracy's future. This research concludes that while the Civil War caused a crisis in partisanship that lasted until the mid-1870s, it was Democrats' underlying devotion to their party, and flexibility over party principle that allowed the Democracy to survive and reestablish itself as a strong national party. Rather than extensively investigating state-level or grassroots politics, this thesis focuses on the party's national leadership. It finds that public memories of the party's wartime course constituted the most significant barrier to rebuilding the Democratic national coalition. Following an overview of the fractures exposed by civil war, the extent of these splits is assessed through an investigation of sectional reconciliation during Presidential and Radical Reconstruction. The analysis then shifts to explore competing visions of the party's future during the late 1860s and early 1870s when public confidence in the Democracy hit its lowest point. While the early years of Reconstruction opened the party to the possibility of disintegration, by the mid-1870s Democrats had begun to adopt a stronger national party organisation. Through a coherent national strategy that turned national politics away from issues of race and loyalty and towards those of economic development and political reform, while simultaneously appealing to the party's history, national Democratic leaders restored public confidence in the Democracy, silenced advocates of the creation of a new national party, and propelled the party back to power in 1884.

Presidential reconstruction in Texas proceeded under the direction of provisional governor Andrew Jackson Hamilton, a Texas Unionist. Texas Unionists had deep political roots in pre-war politics and sought to reconstruct along moderate lines. Following the constitutional convention of 1866, conservative James Webb Throckmorton won the gubernatorial race against Unionist Elisha Marshall Pease. Throckmorton's administration did very little to curb the intense violence directed at Unionists in Texas, and the conservative legislature passed legislation repressive to blacks. Texas Unionists grew increasingly radical, and Throckmorton clashed with the federal military over the question of authority. After the Radicals in Congress passed the Reconstruction Acts, Throckmorton was removed as governor, and E.M. Pease was appointed in his place, ending presidential reconstruction in Texas.

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