The purpose of this essay is to investigate why the two Swedish municipalities of Frykerud and Östmark were the only municipalities in Värmland that were forcibly merged by the state during the ”Municipality block reform” of 1971, and whether local identities played a role in the resistance against this reform.      The study is designed as a comparative case study and builds on both history and political science to analyze the topic from a broader perspective. Based on the research situation three theoretical theses have been formulated, the durability of which will be tested in the analysis part of the essay.     The study notes that Frykeruds resistance against the ”Municipality block reform” started when the reform prevented a planned retirement home construction in the municipality. In the analytical part of the essay, the author discusses how the discontent can be interpreted as symptomatic of bourgeois centralization resistance, as well as being due to the fact that traditional, local self-government as a political subject was perceived as threatened. In Östmark, the "Municipality block reform" developed into a political struggle between the reformist Social Democrats and the "reform-skeptical" conservative parties. The battle started with disagreements over the completions of investments in the municipality.     In the analysis section, the hypotheses previously formulated have been tested, and the author also formulates a new hypothesis regarding the local communities and local identities' political role in the resistance against the "Municipality block reform".

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This thesis investigates the debate in the Swedish parliament (Riksdag) and the depiction of the newspapers at the time of the imposition of the Swedish state institute of racial biology in 1921. The thesis also aims to investigate what arguments were used for and against the institute and if the depictions of the newspapers were any different depending of their political standpoints. The investigation is based on material from three national newspapers, a government bill, and the protocol from the debates in the riksdag. The theoretical approach is based on phenomenology and the approach of history of mentalities, in order to see the 1920’s norms and attitudes in the right way. The conclusion of the thesis is that the debate was almost non-existent, both in the newspaper and in the political space. The main argument for an institute was the protection of the Swedish race, whereof the main argument against a state institute were financial and the approach that the institute could be integrated with an already existing department of the Karolinska Institute in Stockholm. The newspapers were quite silent about all this as well and only published the decisions from the riksdag. However, one of them also published an exchange of opinions between Herman Lundborg and C G Santesson, whose debate comprised arguments of the organisation of the institute. The norms and attitudes were found to be more about science and slightly about nationalism, whereas what we nowadays call racism seemed to not be included at all.

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During the 1994 Italian elections many things were new for the voters. A new election system, new parties emerging where old traditional ones were dying out because of long ongoing corruption scandals that were coming up to the surface. In all this one man, Silvio Berlusconi, a famous Italian businessman, stepped in and with his two allied parties Lega Nord and Alleanza Nazionale he swept away the nation in a never before seen election campaign. Many things have been said about the motifs and the way he prosecuted the election campaign for the Forza Italia. But what I try to see for this thesis is the awereness in the Italian print media from this particular period - how and if the debate about an in just electoral campaign existed in the country from the date Silvio Berlusconi entered ”the playing field” as he called it and up to the days of election.

This is a study of Greenlandic and Danish members of parliament's statements in Folketinget between 1960-1962. The study aims to see in which matters the Greenlandic members presented their statements, as well as what can be discerned from the Greenlandic and Danish members’ statements about the formers possibilities to change Greenland’s political situation.The study will also examine the statements made from a postcolonial viewpoint to see if they overlap with the theory. The study shows that the statements made by both the Danish and Greenlandic members of Folketinget overlap with the postcolonial theory several times. Edward Said, Franz Fanon and Michel Foucoults theories can all be traced within their statements. Foremost, Homi Bhabha and what he described as colonial mimicry is found on several occasions. The Greenlandic members of Folketinget made staments in a variety of political areas, both about specific issues on Greenland itself as well as how to change the asymmetrical relationship between Greenland and Denmark. Their possibilities to alter Greenland’s political situation was greatly hindered seeing as the Greenlandic members of Folketinget could not partake on the same terms as their danish collegues. Greenland also lacked any real political power in foreign politics, and therefore any tangible political voice when negotiating international treaties.

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<p>The aim of this paper is to apply Robert N. Bellahs theory of civil religion, within a Swedish societal context. Bellahs theory was designed in, and influenced by American culture. Therefore, the “translation” of Bellahs theory does not come without problems. A methodological discussion concludes with methods focusing on national self-conceptions. Through this method, the Swedish social democratic notion of the “folkhem” can be related to the notions included by “the American way of life”. The “folkhem” as well as “the American way of life” includes ideas of the nation, made up by specific historical events, in both nations. Those ideas are vital parts of the national self conception in both nations. Historical premises are constantly reborn through the rhetorical reinterpretation, and through the eyes of Bellah, the notion of the folkhem creates a national embracive, ethical value system. The notion of the folkhem still is viable in the Swedish society. Contemporary use of the folkhem-notion is discerned by the threats of globalization and neoliberlismic tendencies. In the light of these threats, the folkhem-notion includes the preservation of Puritanism ideals.</p><p> </p>

The aim of this paper is to apply Robert N. Bellahs theory of civil religion, within a Swedish societal context. Bellahs theory was designed in, and influenced by American culture. Therefore, the “translation” of Bellahs theory does not come without problems. A methodological discussion concludes with methods focusing on national self-conceptions. Through this method, the Swedish social democratic notion of the “folkhem” can be related to the notions included by “the American way of life”. The “folkhem” as well as “the American way of life” includes ideas of the nation, made up by specific historical events, in both nations. Those ideas are vital parts of the national self conception in both nations. Historical premises are constantly reborn through the rhetorical reinterpretation, and through the eyes of Bellah, the notion of the folkhem creates a national embracive, ethical value system. The notion of the folkhem still is viable in the Swedish society. Contemporary use of the folkhem-notion is discerned by the threats of globalization and neoliberlismic tendencies. In the light of these threats, the folkhem-notion includes the preservation of Puritanism ideals.

This essay aims to study the Swedish suffrage movement, LKPR from an emotional historical perspective. How did the activists in the early 1900s relate to emotions, in a time in which women were described as “too emotional” to participate on the public stage? What do the emotions that got expressed actually mean and how could this affect the practical actions of the organisation? Do the activists share an emotional language, simply because they share the same restrictions and goals in life? The study will be formed as a discourse analysis, which will show us the importance of understanding that language and practical actions are interrelated. In time, we will see how the Swedish organisation actually used quite an aggressive rhetorical language, which differs from their practical actions. They used words such as unworthy, threatening, guiltand shame, belligerent, etc. And I came to realize just how willing and well the organisation and the actors within this compound actually adapted their language and the emotions that they described depending on the social, religious and political context that they found themselves to be in. The LKPR:s own journal very rarely held back emotions in any way, while actors within the organization that also wrote in other journals adapted to the preconceptions that could be found within those surroundings and readers. And based on this fact, the language of the LKPR:s actors and journal differs quite a lot from other common newspapers that were published at the same time and that discussed the same kind of issues. I would not hesitate tosay that the language of the LKPR actually does remind quite a lot about the english suffragettś rethorics, and therefore, I will argue, that further studies would gain from studying the relationship between the swedish activists and the english suffragettes, how this relationship affected the language and emotions and the practical actions.