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Weekly newspapers of Montgomery, Giles and Roanoke Counties, the Continental Divide Counties covering the period from 1866 to 1876 are used to assess the lives of southwest Virginians. The newspapers reflect a strong traditional political, economic and social conservatism during a period of economic struggle for small subsistence farmers. In order to better their marketing, the citizens resorted to a variety of internal improvement schemes, but it was not until the unsolicited Republican capital of Philadelphia businessmen invaded that a major railroad link was built. Whereas attempts to channelize the New River failed, efforts to improve municipal waterworks were largely successful. The inhabitants were people of strong moral convictions, as evidenced by their enthusiasm for the temperance movement and their endorsement of the southern Civil War memorial associations. Reluctantly turning from their Jacksonian principles, the Ninth District embraced organized political conservatism through convention politics, in a statewide conservative effort to destroy Radical Republicanism. / M.A.

The key to Reconstruction for both blacks and whites was black suffrage. On one hand this vote made possible the elevation of black political leaders to positions of prominence in the reorganization of the South after the Civil War. For southern whites, on the other hand, black participation in the Reconstruction governments discredited the positive accomplishments of those regimes and led to the evolution of a systematized white rejection of the black as a positive force in southern politics. For white contemporaries and subsequent historians, the black political leader became the exemplar of all that was reprehensible about the period. Stereotyped patterns, developed to eliminate black influence, prevented any examination of the actual role played by these men in the reconstruction process. This study is partially a synthesis of recent scholarly research on specific aspects of the black political role and the careers of individual political leaders. Additional research included examination of a number of manuscript collections in the Library of Congress and the Southern Historical Collection at the University of North Carolina, state and federal government documents, and contemporary newspapers. On the basis of all these sources, this study evaluates the nature of black political leadership and its impact on the reconstruction process in all the ten states which were subject to the provisions of congressional reconstruction legislation. The topic is developed chronologically, beginning with the status of blacks at the end of the Civil War and their search for identity as citizens. Black leadership emerged early in the various rallies and black conventions of 1865 and early 1866. With the passage in March 1867 of reconstruction legislation establishing black suffrage as the basis for restoration of the former Confederate states, black leaders played a crucial role in the development of the southern Republican party and the registration of black voters. Black influence reached its apex in the constitutional conventions and the subsequent ratification elections of 1868-1869. Blacks were elected to posts in the new state governments in varying numbers, but with increasing political sophistication began to demand a larger voice in Republican party councils and a larger share of public offices. Their resulting prominence fueled a white determination to eliminate the Republican governments which had allowed elevation of black politicians. This study of state political leadership is not a history of the black in the Republican party, nor is it a history of the black masses in Reconstruction. It does examine the role of black leaders and seeks to determine the nature and degree of their influence. The development of black leadership was one facet of building a southern Republican party, and in the tenuous coalition which made up that party the black inevitably became the weakest link because he was the most vulnerable. This study challenges a number of stereotypes. Southern Reconstruction was not a period of "black rule," as both historians hostile to the black leaders and those sympathetic to them have intimated. Nor was the black politician a passive tool to be manipulated at the will of whites. Strong disagreements among black leaders show the weakness of the traditional monolithic picture of black political action. Black leaders had considerable influence in some states and practically none in others. Total failure of black political leadership would have been welcomed by southern whites, but its successes were intolerable. This study traces the development of a leadership whose successes led to its destruction.

"This study is interested primarily in the political and economic philosophies which motivated the men who came to power in Texas following the overthrow of the Reconstruction regime, and which dominated the public affairs of the state during those years. It approaches the problem from the viewpoint of the positions of various individuals regarding the more prominent issues of the day, both state and national. The concentrates on the administrations of five governors of Texas and the tenures of five members of Congress. These men are viewed in relation to the times, and Texas is observed in light of its peculiar problems and its relation to the United States as a whole." -- leaf iv.

The scope of this study is limited to Federal military occupation during the five years from 1865 to 1870. Only the interior counties, where a dense Negro population required the exercise of political and social responsibilities, will be considered in detail. A line from Wise through Bosque, Travis, Wilson, Karnes, and Goliad Counties to the coastal town of Corpus Christi would roughly separate interior from frontier posts.

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Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:27:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2009-06-26Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:56:34Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 mantovani_m_me_ia.pdf: 476556 bytes, checksum: 31267a224fb93254db00ec68bd0f1404 (MD5) / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP) / A presente pesquisa pretendeu analisar a importância do movimento corporal na educação musical, partindo da teoria elaborada pelo educador musical suíço Émile Jaques- Dalcroze. O objetivo principal foi detectar como os conhecimentos desenvolvidos pelo educador suíço foram ou ainda são difundidos entre educadores musicais na atualidade, com a intenção de observar qual a importância dada por eles ao movimento corporal na educação musical. Este trabalho justifica-se pela importância de se refletir a respeito da educação musical na atualidade, levando em consideração quais as influências a que são submetidos os educadores musicais. Pesquisas a respeito da especificidade da educação musical são bastante recentes e ainda há necessidade de se mapear como são os trabalhos de formação de educadores musicais e o que pensam a respeito de metodologias adotadas. Para analisar de que modo o trabalho de Dalcroze faz-se presente na educação musical atual, observou-se o trabalho de seis educadoras musicais na cidade de São Paulo. Como metodologia, a pesquisa teve aproximação à observação não-participante, tendo-se escolhido representantes de cada um dos seguintes segmentos: ensino de música em conservatório, em escola regular (infantil e fundamental), cursos livres, cursos de formação de professores e universidade. A pesquisa indica que, dentre as educadoras pesquisadas, algumas reconhecem a influência de Dalcroze em seu trabalho, enquanto outras, não. A partir dos resultados encontrados, discute-se o problema da formação do educador musical e suas condições de trabalho como fatores relevantes para o uso do movimento corporal na educação musical. / The present work aimed at analyzing the importance of body movement based on the theory developed by the music educator Émile Jaques-Dalcroze – Eurhythmics. Having the analysis of how the principles developed by the Swiss educator were or still are spread among contemporary music educators as its main goal, this work focused on the investigation of the importance they grant to body movement in music education. The significance of this work relies on the importance of reflecting upon current music education and the influences imposed on music educators. Research about musical education specificity is still very recent and, therefore, a mapping of how music educators are formed as well as how they position themselves in relation to the adopted methodology is necessary. Thus in order to analyze how Dalcroze’s work is present in contemporary music education, the practice of six musical educators in the city of São Paulo was observed. The methodological procedures adopted included non-participative observation of representatives each one of the following segments of music education: conservatory, regular school (pre-school and primary school), open courses, teacher education courses and University. The results indicate that, among the researched educators, some recognized Dalcroze’s influence on their work, while others did not. Considering the results obtained, we discuss the musical educator formation and work conditions as relevant aspects for the use of body movement in music education.

This thesis focuses upon the impact of war upon the progressive movement in Texas during 1914-1918. Chapter I defines progressivism in Texas and presents an overview of the political situation in the state as relating to the period. Chapter II discusses the negative impact that the first two years of World War I had upon the reform movement. Chapter III examines the revival of the Anti-Saloon League and the 1916 Democratic state convention. Chapter IV covers the war between James E. Ferguson and the University of Texas. Chapter V tells how the European war became a catalyst for the reform movement in Texas following America's entry, and its subsequent influence upon the election of 1918. Chapter VI concludes that James E. Ferguson's war with the University of Texas as well as World War I were responsible for the prohibitionist victory in the election of 1918.