The objective of this thesis is to present a study of the political impact of Communism on four individuals who at one stage in their lives thought that Communism was the best political system on earth, and who subsequently became disillusioned ot the point where they considered Communism the worst political system on earth. This thesis tries to answer some of the questions arising from such a study. How did these four people become so enamoured of Communism and later so thoroughly disillusioned with it? What is there about Communism which could so strongly attract and later so thoroughly repel intelligent people? Was disaffection due to the weakness of the people involved, or was it due to weaknesses in the Communist system? Where is the truth to be found regarding the essential nature of Communism: in the official reports and propaganda of the Russian government, or in the opinions of the Communist Party members, or in the writings of those who have been in close contact with the system? The problem is to determine the nature of the attraction of Communism and the nature of its repellent aspects as seen by four of those who have strongly felt, in turn, that attraction and that repulsion.

This thesis analyzes the historiography of Neville Chamberlain and appeasement through the lens of Oswald Mosley and British Fascism, arguing that an acute and unexpected convergence emerges between the ardent radicalism of Mosley and the utter rationality of Chamberlain, illustrating the uncanny degree to which appeasement as a policy dovetailed with fascism as an ideology. Beginning at the Spanish Civil War and ending in March 1939, politicians in the vein of Chamberlain - subsequently dubbed 'appeasers' - pursued appeasement as a means to placate German aggression. The British Union of Fascists, with Mosley at the helm, enthusiastically supported this movement and urged the British Government to intensify the appeasement campaign. Ultimately, the convergence of appeasement and fascism illustrates the severe lack of alternatives available to Chamberlain, and underscores the degree to which his pragmatic politics supported fascism abroad. / by Michael Ortiz. / Thesis (M.A.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2010. / Includes bibliography. / Electronic reproduction. Boca Raton, Fla., 2010. Mode of access: World Wide Web.

Dans le cadre du paradigme de recherche qui se préoccupe des répercussions de la culture médiatique au XIXe siècle en France, sur la littérature et dans le discours social, il nous a paru judicieux de nous pencher sur le cas de la chronique dramatique de Catulle Mendès (1841-1909), qu'il écrivit au Journal de 1895 à 1897. Nous choisissons de nous intéresser à trois types de contraintes, qui s'exercent alors dans le monde dramatique. La dictature du résumé et l'irruption du reportage dans l'espace journalistique menacent la chronique dramatique dans son identité. Dans l'espace dramatique, le personnage de théâtre amorce déjà sa crise, qui va atteindre son paroxysme au XXe siècle. Enfin, les directeurs de théâtre rejettent la critique dramatique en cette fin de siècle, et Mendès vit ce conflit avec Lugné-Pôe. Mendès dispose de ses stratégies personnelles pour lutter contre ces contraintes, en allant également puiser dans son réservoir littéraire, comme le roman La Femme-enfant, ou encore la nouvelle policière, Rue des Filles-Dieu, 56, dans laquelle il donne vie au procédé narratif du "narrateur non-fiable". Son immense implication dans la presse au cours de la prime partie de sa carrière littéraire, lui permet aussi de faire son profit des stratégies collectives des critiques dramatiques, comme certains procédés d'écriture (" l'emboîtement d'instances énonciatives "), et la création de leur association, l'ASPMCDM.