The purpose of this thesis is to examine how the age structure of Utah's population has changed since the turn of the century and how it is likely to change during the next quarter of a century. It is also to study selected demographic characteristics and special distribution of the aged population of Utah which are fundamental prerequisites to understanding the problems confronting Utah's aged. This study also analyzes some socioeconomic characteristics of the aged population. Some significant findings are inadequate income, inadequate housing, living arrangement, unemployability, etc. Future growth of the aged population was derived from the projection of Utah's population from 1970 to 2000 prepared by a component method of population projection which projects the population by component of birth, death and migra~ion. The projection assumes a declining fertility up to 1985 after which the fertility will remain constant, and declining of mortality and the continuous migration observed during the 1960-70 period.

Many of the writings of Leo Strauss were dedicated to combating the "crisis of modernity". This crisis was for him the advent and acceptance of nihilism--a state of being wherein any principle one dare dream is allowed and judgment must be withheld. He claimed that the promotion of nihilism at the hands of modern social scientists would lead to the downfall of civilization. Yet, this work seeks to show that all of these claims are made by Strauss in an attempt to hide the "truth" of nihilism from the masses and that Strauss, in fact, is a nihilist thinker. The introductory chapter of this work introduces the problem of nihilism as outlined by Strauss. It also briefly explains the positions of two other nihilist thinkers, Friedrich Nietzsche and Michel Foucault, in order to establish the thought which Strauss seems to be arguing against in his works. It then explains the writing style of Strauss as being esoteric. The following chapter will deal with the Strauss' argument for the causes of nihilism. Chapter three will be dedicated to the two solutions that Strauss presents for combating nihilism. The exoteric solution calls for a return to the teachings of the classics, specifically the three types of teaching that he recognizes--Socratic-Platonic, Aristotelian, and Thomistic. The esoteric solution, however, is to use the Platonic conception of the "noble lie" in order to hide the "truth" of nihilism. Chapters four and five will compare Strauss' nihilism to that of Nietzsche and Foucault, respectively. Each chapter will expand on the discussion already presented in the first chapter to further elucidate each thinker's version of nihilism. Finally, I will outline the conception of these three thinkers as a continuum for nihilist thought. I will also discuss how the only definitive difference between the three thinkers is their outlook on the human condition. For example, Strauss and his hidden nihilism is a direct result of his pessimistic view of the masses; whereas Nietzsche's Übermensch nihilism is brought about by his outlook on the prospect for development beyond humanity and Foucault's pure nihilism is drawn out from his notion of power/knowledge. In this way, this work will not only show Strauss as a closet nihilist but also show his integral role in understanding the full range of nihilist thought.

I den här studien undersöks användandet av termen kulturarv i dagstidningar under 1900-talet. Syftet är att visa hur innebörden och användandet av ordet förändras över tid genom att sätta ordet i sitt sammanhang och i relation till sin kontext. Därigenom kan termens utveckling, innebörd, hur det har använts och i vilka sammanhang det använts inom synliggöra dess utveckling. Materialet består av artiklar från fyra årtionden som är jämt fördelade över seklet 1900. Med utgångspunkt i diskursteori och begreppet hegemoni diskuteras och analyseras ordet utifrån de fyra årtiondena men även utifrån fyra aspekter som är framträdande i materialet. Studien avslutas i en redogörande diskussion där förändringar av ordet under 1900-talet presenteras.

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This study has investigated the use of political authority by Congressman Charles A. Halleck, Indiana Second District Republican, and his activities as House Republican Minority Leader during the administration of President John F. Kennedy. Halleck exemplified the Madisonian Model, the checks-and-balances structure of American government designed in large part by James Madison and created by the United States Constitution. This system is characterized by a division of political responsibility, a primary example of which is the United States Congress, consisting of regional representation, political factions and fluid and constantly changing alliances. As a member of Congress for over thirty years, Charles Halleck strongly supported the structure and political authority of Congress.The antithesis to the Madisonian Model is the Jeffersonian Model with the centralized, national office of the President as the representative of the consensus of the American people. John F. Kennedy represented a major example of the Jeffersonian Model. A dialectic struggle between these two political models has resulted to determine the course of American society. The primary goal of this study has been to evaluate the Madisonian Model: has this checks-and-balances system of divided political authority successfully met the challenges of modern American life?The research focused on Charles Halleck's responses to five economic legislative goals of the Kennedy program, known as the New Frontiers an increase in the minimum wage, aid to depressed areas, a housing omnibus bill, medical care for the aged through the Social Security system, and federal aid to education. Halleck opposed all of these Kennedy programs because he believed they violated his two basic principles: fiscal responsibility by the national government and limited federal authority and the preservation of state and local government independence.The evidence has demonstrated that Halleck exploited the Madisonian Model as his weapon to oppose the New Frontier legislation. He expertly exploited congressional committees, parliamentary tactics, political factions, and regional divisions to resurrect the conservative coalition, an alliance of Republicans and Southern Democrats. Using his two basic principles as a rallying theme, Halleck was frequently able to attract substantial numbers of Southern Democrats to his cause, and his exercise of his Republican leadership position assured a large majority of support from within his own party.As Part One illustrates, Halleck and his conservative coalition forces were unable to overcome the economic and regional appeals of three of Kennedy's proposals, minimum wage, redevelopment, and housing, and Kennedy was able to win legislative approval. These bills passed through Congress because they catered to the economic, regional needs of localized areas. Halleck and the Madisonian Model, as demonstrated by Part Two, were victorious in defeating medicare and education legislation that was essentially national in scope. The controversial nature of these proposals prevented the factionalized House from voting for their passage.The research of this study suggests that the Madisonian Model failed to respond to the needs of the American people or to protect their rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. Charles Halleck's role in this failure by the Madisonian Model was crucial; no other congressional leader was in his position to form the forces of opposition to Kennedy and his New Frontier. Halleck believed that his political efforts would result in a new Republican majority elected by the American people. His failure to lead his party to majority status, the loss of his leadership position after 1964, and the eventual passage of medicare and federal aid to education demonstrated a clear rejection of the Halleck position by the American people.

Kulturarvet och komforten: frågan om lämpligt inomhusklimat i kulturbyggnader under 1900-talet

L'idée de départ de ce mémoire nous vient en fait d'Heidegger qui écrivait, à propos de Nietzsche, que « sa proposition [selon laquelle] la vérité est l'erreur et l'erreur est la vérité ne peut se comprendre qu'à partir de sa position fondamentale à l'égard de la philosophie occidentale depuis Platon, [et que], dès que l'on a compris cela, l'accent d'étrangeté de cette proposition s'atténue quelque peu » (Nietzsche I, p.35). Or, sans souscrire à l'interprétation heideggérienne qui présente le projet nietzschéen comme l'achèvement de la métaphysique occidentale, nous lui emprunterons simplement l'idée que dans la critique du platonisme que propose Nietzsche, c'est en quelque sorte toute sa relation équivoque avec la tradition philosophique en général qui se manifeste et trouve un moyen d'expression. Aussi, notre idée sera que cette critique du platonisme et son évolution représentent une clé de lecture importante, qui peut certainement enrichir nos perspectives sur l'ensemble de l'entreprise philosophique nietzschéenne. Notre idée sera donc, dans un premier temps, de retracer l'évolution de la pensée de Nietzsche, à partir de ses premiers écrits jusqu'à ceux de la maturité, mais en insistant sur le rapport qu'elle entretient avec l'évolution de sa conception du platonisme. Nous tenterons, en fait, de reconstruire cette évolution à travers les mentions directes à la pensée de Platon qui, d'un bout à l'autre, jalonnent son œuvre. Ainsi, notre approche sera d'abord chronologique, et nous présenterons les différents textes, publiés ou non, selon leur datation. Ceci donne l'avantage de permettre une certaine systématisation dans la présentation de l'évolution d'une philosophie qui, au fond, pour reprendre une expression d'Angèle Kremer-Marietti, se fait de manière totalement labyrinthique. Mais, cette approche chronologique n'étant qu'un outil de systématisation qui nous servira de point de départ, nous n'hésiterons pas à enrichir la discussion en utilisant des textes d'autres périodes lorsque ceux-ci semblent nous ramener précisément en un même point du labyrinthe nietzschéen. ______________________________________________________________________________

In the past, the meaning of marriage has been an agreement between two people to live together and have children in a legitimate manner. The marriage was not just to form a couple; it was also to merge two families together. From the early 1900s until today the allegation of marriage and its influence got a significant change compared to early societies which have aroused my interest to perform this into a research paper. My study is focused on marriage and social changes during the 1900s. Thoughts that arise now is that why there was a remarkable change in the marriage rate during the 1900s and whether there were any social changes had to do something with it. The investigation is based primarily on the statistical calculation that shows that the marriage rate during the 1900s got a remarkable change and behind this change lies among others the provision of welfare state and women's emancipation. The paper analyzes the changes that occurred during the 1900s marriage rates and the social changes that occurred at the same period and are associated with the changing of family patterns during the 1900s.