In the first essay of this thesis I test long-run monetary neutrality (LRMN) using the longhorizon approach of Fisher and Seater [18]. Using United States' data on M 2 and Net National Product they reject LRMN for the sample 1869-1975. However, I show that this result is not robust to the use of the monetary base instead of M2. Nor is it robust to the use of United Kingdom data instead of United States data. These results are consistent with the interpretation that Fisher and Seater's result is a consequence of the financial crisis of the 1930s causing inside money and output to move together. Using a Monte Carlo study I show that Fisher and Seater's rejection of LRMN can also be accounted for by size distortion in their test statistic. This study also shows that at longer horizons, power is very low. In the second essay I consider the financial crisis of the 1930s in the United States as change in regime. Using a bivariate version of Hamilton's [24] Markov switching model I estimate the probability that the underlying regime was one of financial crisis at each point in time. I argue that there was a shift to the financial crisis regime following the first banking crisis of 1930. The crucial reform in ending the financial crisis appears to have been the introduction of the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation in January 1934.1 also find that the time series of probabilities over the state of the financial sector contain marginal explanatory power for output fluctuations in the inter-war period. A problem when testing the null hypothesis of a linear model against the alternative of the Markov switching model is the presence of nuisance parameters. Consequently, the likelihood ratio test statistic does not possess the standard chi-squared distribution. In my third essay I perform a Monte Carlo experiment to explore the small sample properties of the pseudo likelihood ratio test statistic under the non-standard conditions. I find no evidence of size distortion. However, I do find that size adjusted power is very poor in small samples. / Arts, Faculty of / Vancouver School of Economics / Graduate

In this thesis a theory of monopoly capitalism, and particularly of the recuperative functions of the monopoly state, is presented. It is suggested that this theory throws significant light on the marked transformations which occurred in the Canadian Civil Service between 1939 and 1957. It is hypothesized that the Canadian state undertook what has been defined as 'monopoly functions' during this period. The argument is supported by an analysis of the institutional structure of the wartime and postwar Civil Service - examining the administrative hierarchy, the range of institutional contradictions, and the radically altered relation of the state to the private economy. The theory of monopoly capital employed in this thesis follows from a tradition of Marxist debate, but places peculiar emphasis on the distinction between the production of means of production (DI) and the production of means of consumption (DII). The production of the means of production would include particularly the capital goods sector and the large infrastructural networks supportive of national industry. The production of the means of consumption would include the 'necessaries of life' required to support the direct producers - both durable and non-durable consumer goods. It is argued that the relationship of the state to each of these two sectors is of a different character and significance - a position not generally held. Another important concept highlighted is that of the "work of coordination and unity," which is used to weld the theory of the monopoly economy to a few central hypotheses concerning the monopoly state itself and forms of monopoly state intervention. It is suggested that the particular structural ambivalences, institutional rivalries, and patterns of institutional growth which are characteristic of the postwar Canadian state can be explained, in their mutual relation, by the principal hypotheses of the theory of the monopoly role of the state. The connections which have been brought to light in this research are most revealing. Not only do individual circumstances "measure" against precepts of the theory, but main lines of development which occurred simultaneously in different parts of the Civil Service are seen to stand in a highly suggestive relation to one another when viewed from this perspective. Pivotal to the development of this argument is a review of the historical bases of the wartime/postwar state, and the establishment of a measure of comparison by which to gauge the extent and direction of institutional change between 1939 and 1957. / Arts, Faculty of / Sociology, Department of / Graduate

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Québec Université Laval, Bibliothèque 2012

Rezension einer Studie von beinahe 1.200 Seiten Text und 300 Seiten bibliographischen und statistischen Anhang. Es werden über 100 Berufungsvorgänge im Fach Philosophie vom Ende des Ersten bis zum Ende des Zweiten Weltkrieges aus den Akten dargestellt. Die einigermaßen dröge Materie nötigt den Autor, des öfteren seinen Positivismus hervorzukehren und den Lesern zu versichern, hier würden zentrale historische Wissenslücken geschlossen. Was er von vornherein nicht beansprucht, ist ein Erkenntnisgewinn in philosophischer Hinsicht, es geht um historische Quellenaufbereitung und nicht um eine neue Form der philosophiehistorischen Wahrheit.

Le présent mémoire consiste à analyser la politique étrangère est-européenne de la Section française de l'Internationale ouvrière (SFIO) par l'entremise des conceptions idéologiques de Léon Blum entre 1919, date à laquelle il est élu député du parti en Chambre, et 1936, date à laquelle il accède au poste de président du Conseil. Notre objectif consiste à démontrer que l'idéologie socialiste ne s'affirma pas pendant toute la période comme étant la base argumentative exclusive des prises de position blumistes sur les moyens d'assurer le maintien de la pacification européenne et que, lorsqu'il y eut des écarts entre celle-ci et les propositions concrètes que fit Blum, il les justifia systématiquement en invoquant la prééminence nécessaire de la cause de la paix sur les dogmes idéologiques. Nous désirons également attester que la doctrine socialiste, telle que définie par Blum et en tant que cadre analytique prédominant, ne constitua pas un outil favorisant la compréhension des implications, sur l'Europe de l'Est, des problèmes d'entre-deux-guerres. Elle attenta donc sérieusement à la pertinence des propositions blumistes visant à éradiquer ces litiges déterminants pour l'avenir du 'Vieux Continent'. / Québec Université Laval, Bibliothèque 2014

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Rural society during the German National Socialist movement has been overlooked by most historians. Instead the urban elements are stressed. I have chosen to study the impact of National Socialism upon peasant families.Three major limitations exist for this project. First, only the peasant family itself is reviewed. Second, this project is concerned only with the years from 1925 through 1339. Third, this project limits its review to only that territory comprising Germany after World War I. This was done to allow for a more equal comparison of agricultural statistics.The construction of this project remains simple. Three major chapters exist. Chapter One reviews the Republic: its politics, economy, and the problems of the peasant family. The remaining chapters then review these problems as they were resolved by the National Socialists. Chapter Two reviews the family itself: family size, health, inheritance, and social status. Chapter Three reviews farm-management: production, mechanization, labor, and prosperity. Both chapters are divided into two parts: part one reviews the new policies; part two reviews the impact.The findings of this project were different than expected. I had expected to find minimum improvement in the condition of peasant families. Instead, I discovered that, in general, these policies failed in their objectives. The reasons for these failures differed. But much of the blame rests in faults of the laws themselves. Final results, however, were mixed. Farm-management improved slightly, but the family itself witnessed reduced health. The average family was not destitute, but neither did it prosper. / Department of History

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Made available in DSpace on 2013-08-07T18:59:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 000411628-Texto+Completo-0.pdf: 4689901 bytes, checksum: 92fa85034b0f78953e504fc4d15aabb0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / This text introduces the diplomatic, political and military relationship between Germany and Brazil. The current work innovates and shows to be singular comparing to the already existing texts that were previously wrote above the same area under discussion; explore the diplomatic, political and military relation, between Germany and Brasil based on the German point of view related to Brazil. The most important research basis was the military, diplomatic and political documentation found at the German National Archive (Bundesarchiv), at the section that has the documents of the historical period known as Reich (Abteilung Deutsches Reich) and at the military section (Abteilung Militärarchiv); at The Federal Foreign Office (Auswärtiges Amt). These offices own the III Reich governmental records that make it possible to understand the connections between Germany and Brazil. The thesis temporal boundaries comprehend Hitler’s and Vargas’ governmental organization, from the half of the decade of 1930, until Brazil declares war against Germany on August 1942. At this historical moment all relations and any possibility of understanding between the two countries were stopped. The period from 1937 to 1942 includes specifically two distinct historical conjunctures; first: the pre-war period and second: the war time that started on September 1939. The diplomatic, political and military relations between the two countries under discussion, along the two periods, were of discontinuance, specifically, the external policy was conducted by the circumstances and not by an ideological continuity. From 1939 ahead, when the war started, the relations were permeated according to the war reality. For doing the research and the sources handling, theoretical-methodological contributions were searched in the political history, the discourse analysis through the intertextuality and at the discussions on external relationsships. / O presente texto aborda as relações diplomáticas, políticas e militares entre Alemanha e Brasil. O trabalho propõe inovar em relação aos já existentes sobre essa temática, pois inverte a ótica de análise, investigando as ações diplomáticas, políticas e militares da Alemanha em relação ao Brasil. A base fundamental foi a documentação militar e diplomática existente no Arquivo Nacional Alemão (Bundesarchiv), tanto no departamento sobre os assuntos relacionados com o período da história alemã denominado de Reich (Abteilung Deutsches Reich), quanto no conjunto de documentação militar (Abteilung Militärarchiv); no Ministério das Relações Exteriores (Auswäriges Amt). Nestes arquivos, estão os registros governamentais do III Reich, tornando possível compreender a relação da Alemanha com o Brasil. O marco temporal da tese compreende a estruturação dos governos de Hitler e de Vargas, da metade da década de 1930 até a declaração de guerra brasileira à Alemanha, em agosto de 1942, momento em que foram interrompidas todas as relações e possibilidades de entendimento entre os dois países.O período mais específico de 1937 a 1942 engloba duas conjunturas históricas distintas: a primeira, de pré-guerra, e a segunda, de guerra propriamente dita, iniciada em setembro de 1939. As relações diplomáticas, políticas e militares entre os dois países, nesses dois períodos, foram de descontinuidades, isto é, a política externa era guiada pelas circunstâncias e não por uma continuidade ideológica. A partir de 1939, quando se iniciou a guerra, também houve a interferências da realidade da guerra. Para a realização da pesquisa e o tratamento das fontes, buscou-se aporte teórico-metodológico na história política, na análise de discurso através da intertextualidade, nas discussões sobre relações exteriores.