This study set out to provide an understanding of the Certificate in Education programme, CE (PD), in terms of various stakeholder perspectives and its historical development. Through the use of case study method the study investigates the relationship between the first three semesters of the Certificate in Education (Participatory Development) CE (PD) offered largely on-campus at the University of KwaZulu-Natal with the final semester module of the programme offered as a service-learning off-campus called Development in Practice (DIP). The objective of DIP is to produce reflective learners in an authentic development context. Within the CE (PD) programme this is understood as praxis. The purpose of the study therefore is to investigate processes within the programme that facilitated or hindered the attainment of praxis. The case study method served this research goal well as it allowed for the social, ideological and historical reality of the CE (PD) to be viewed within a context of its development and the broader contexts of the university and South Africa. As such, this study looked at how one could ensure that theory, abstract knowledge and practice are combined for the purpose of improving community development practice. The study focussed on the aspect of praxis within the CE (PD) with the intention of contribution to the improvement of praxis in training for community development practitioners. Based on Freire's understanding of praxis, the situated cognition and transformative learning theories this study found that certain processes impacted positively or negatively to the CE (PD) programme in facilitating praxis. These processes were varied and included amongst others curriculum conceptualisation and planning, and the most important one being ideology and power related issues. The detailed description of the CE (PD) process would be useful to future curriculum development initiatives. This study argued that community development training is a contested area and cannot only focus skills training but must include consciousness raising located within an emancipatory tradition. Based on this argument an interactive programme development model located within praxis is offered as a contribution towards community development practitioner training in the South African context. / Thesis (M.Ed.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2006.

This dissertation is a study of the political career and thought of Said Halim Pasha (1865--1921), a prominent Islamist thinker and eminent Ottoman statesman, set against the historical and ideological background of his time. / The period covered in this study extends from the twilight of the Hamidian era to the end of the Ottoman Empire (1900--1922). During these two crucial decades, the Ottoman Empire, prior to its demise, went through an immense transformation. The establishment of the Constitutional regime in July 1908 allowed several ideological currents to circulate freely on the political scene and to compete in filling the vacuum created by the fall of the ancien regime. Among these ideologies, three rose to prominency: Westernism, Turkism, and Islamism. Said Halim Pasha, one of the best representatives of the Islamist school, made important contributions to the ideological debates which were raging. In his writings that appeared between 1910 and 1921, Said Halim Pasha advocated a thorough and radical Islamization of the Muslim world in order to halt its decline and to ensure its progress. With regard to his political career as Grand Vizir of the Ottoman Empire, Said Halim Pasha proved himself to be a mastermind of diplomacy. Until his political isolation and deprivation of power by the Turkist wing of the CUP Government, he kept at bay the aggressive imperialist Powers and frustrated their plans to partition the Ottoman Empire.

This thesis has explored the failure of Greece to achieve its one-hundred-year irrendentist struggle as a result of the nationalist movement in Turkey, and discusses Turkish efforts to reverse the dictate (Treaty of Sevres) of the Great Powers after the First World War.

Chapter one begins with a definition and exposition of the concept of theodicy, and a topology for characterizing comparative theodicies is suggested. It is argued that the basis on which theodicies might be compared is the foundational ontological principles on which they are built. Chapter two is a lengthy discussion regarding the meaning of terms such as omnipotence omniscience omnibenevolence, moral evil and natural evil. Chapter three begins with a critical analysis of a variety of theodicies found throughout the history of Christian theology. The final conclusion drawn in this chapter is that none of the proposed answers is acceptable. Acceptability is measured in three important ways: First, is the position logically consistent, second, does it conform, at least in a broad way, to the major tenents of the Christian form of life, and third, does this position take the individual sufferer seriously? In chapter four a foundation is laid for a response to the problem of evil which is to follow in chapter five. In this penultimate chapter an analysis of the Book of Job is offered which centers on the interpretation of Yahweh's speeches out of the whirlwind. It is suggested that the crux of Jobs repentance is to be understood in connection with Job "seeing God." In chapter five, an attempt is made, using the help of Karl Barth, D. M. Mackinnon, P. T. Forsyth, Ludwig Wittgenstein and John Wisdom, as well as some insights gained from chapter four, to argue that there is a teleological response to the problem of evil that is logically consistent, true to the Christian form of life and sensitive to the needs of the individual sufferer.

This study concerns the sources of the revolutionary Bolshevik elite's social and ethnic origins in Late Imperial Russia. The key finding is that the Bolshevik leadership of the revolutionary years 1917--1924 was highly ethnically diverse in origin with non-Russians---Jews, Latvians, Georgians, Armenians, Poles, Lithuanians, and Ukrainians---constituting nearly two-thirds of the elite. The 'Russian' Revolution was led primarily by elites of the empire's non-Russian national minorities. This thesis therefore considers the sources of their radicalism in the peripheries of the multinational empire. / Although the 'class' language of socialism has dominated accounts not only of the causes of the Revolution but also of the sources of Bolshevik socialism, in my view the Bolsheviks were more a response to a variety of cultural, linguistic, religious, and ethnic social identities than they were a response to class conflict. The appeal of a theory about class conflict does not necessarily mean that it was class conflict to which the Bolsheviks were responding; they were much more a product of the tensions of a multi-ethnic imperial state than of the alienating 'class' effects of an industrializing Russian state. / How 'peripherals' of the imperial borderlands came to espouse an ideology of the imperial 'center' is the empirical focus. Five substantive chapters on Jews, Poles and Lithuanians, Ukrainians, Transcaucasians, and Latvians, consider the sources of their radicalism by contextualizing their biographies in regional ethnopolitics and in relationships to the Tsarist state. A great attraction of Russian (Bolshevik) socialism was in what it meant for ethnopolitics in the multi-ethnic borderlands: much of the appeal lay in its secularism, its 'ecumenical' political vision, its universalism, its anti-nationalism, and in its implied commitment to "the good imperial ideal". The 'elective affinities' between individuals of different ethnic strata and Russian socialism varied across ethnic groups, and often within them. One of the key themes, therefore, is how a social and political identity is worked out within the context of a multinational empire, invoking social processes such as nationalism, assimilation, Russification, social mobility, access to provincial and imperial 'civil societies', linguistic and cultural choices, and ethnopolitical relationships.

The purpose of this thesis is to identify the implications of Paulo Freire's philosophy for education in North America. To appreciate fully the value of Freire's philosophy, this study will review six themes which are commonly found throughout his work and are significant for education. The implications of his ideas will be identified by reviewing specific case-studies conducted in the United States and Canada. / Freire's ideas are developed within the context of Latin American societies. Elements of oppression and injustice in his homeland differ from the dehumanizing elements in North America. Yet, his insistence upon reflection and action as a means to emancipate people from social and political oppression has direct implications for education in the United States and Canada. North American educators have adopted, modified, and applied Freire's methodology with remarkable results.

The findings of this thesis are somewhat at variance with the literature on Canadian public policy. The literature tends to accord primary importance in the federal policy-making process to forces such as political parties, bureaucratic groups, pressure groups, and the provinces. This study demonstrates that the political leadership of an individual cabinet minister and, subsequently, the political leadership of the government as a whole were of primary importance in the development of unemployment insurance policy in the 1970's. The policy interests of political leadership took precedence over those of other forces in the policy-making process. Moreover, the input of other forces with the exception of political parties, was negligible. Political leadership required the support of sympathizers within the major political parties to exercise leadership functions of surveillance and legitimation. / Bryce Mackasey, who introduced a new program in 1971, carried out these leadership functions so effectively that he became an agent of policy reform. Mackasey exercised surveillance over the policy-making activities of his public servants and legitimized the scheme to opponents within the major political parties, other bureaucratic groups, and the provinces. However, during the amending process, the government as a whole was not required to exercise surveillance but it successfully legitimized its policy interests to the same forces.

Thesis (M.A. (Human Rights))--Mahidol University, 2006. / LICL has E-Thesis 0018 ; please contact computer services.

Zugl.: Münster, Univ., Diss., 2003

Thesis (Ph. D.)--State University of New York at Buffalo, 1978. / Translation of: In the shadow of the Holy Mountain. Includes bibliographical references (p. 192-196).