Pour de nombreux architectes du libéralisme politique contemporain, la neutralité constitue une caractéristique définitionnelle du libéralisme politique. Il est pourtant clair que ces nouvelles formulations du libéralisme ne sont pas exemptes de tout présupposé substantiel. Le libéralisme politique de Rawls, par exemple, accorde de la valeur aux notions de liberté, d'égalité et d'équité. Comment la présence de tels présupposés substantiels est-elle conciliable avec la prétention à la neutralité ? Tel est le problème qui est à l'origine de ce travail de recherche. Pour le résoudre, un vaste travail d'explicitation des présupposés du libéralisme, et plus particulièrement du libéralisme politique de John Rawls, ainsi qu'une étude critique du terme « neutralité » ont été réalisés. Avec Rawls, contre une conception procédurale de la neutralité, je défends la neutralité des justifications et démontre qu'elle constitue la conception de la neutralité la plus plausible. Une justification neutre est définie comme justification fondée sur des conceptions communes, c'est-à-dire partagées. Se pose alors la question de la justification de ces présupposés substantiels tenus pour communs. J'indique comment, chez Rawls, la question de la justification reçoit une réponse conceptuelle. Rawls résout cette question en soutenant une conception cohérentiste de la justification et en développant un certain nombre de concepts innovants, au premier rang desquels l'équilibre réfléchi, dont je défends une conception extensive. Si puissants que soient ces outils conceptuels, dans la mesure où les présupposés du libéralisme sont considérés comme étant implicites dans la culture politique publique, ces présupposés semblent néanmoins appeler une autre forme de justification : une justification herméneutique. Si les présupposés du libéralisme sont le résultat d'une interprétation, il faut être capable de rendre raison de cette interprétation. La deuxième partie de ce travail se met en quête d'une telle justification herméneutique, en se fondant sur l'hypothèse qu'elle est disponible dans les travaux que Rawls consacre à l'histoire de la philosophie : les Lectures on the History of Moral Philosophy et les Lectures on the History of Political Philosophy. / Many supporters of political liberalism consider that neutrality is part of the definition of liberalism. Yet, it is obvious that these new forms of liberalism are not free from substantive presuppositions. Rawls's political liberalism, as an example, values freedom, equality and fairness. But how can such substantive commitments be compatible with the claim for neutrality? This problem is the starting point of this thesis. To solve it, I work to make the presuppositions of liberalism explicit, especially those of Rawls's political liberalism, and I carry out a critical study of the word “neutrality”. With Rawls and against a procedural conception of neutrality, I support a conception of neutrality as justificatory neutrality, which I consider the most believable conception of neutrality. A neutral justification is defined as a justification which is based on shared conceptions. So, the question to be answered is the question of the justification of these substantive presuppositions, which are taken for shared. I study how Rawls gives a conceptual answer to the question of justification. Rawls answers this question supporting a coherentist conception of justification and developing innovative concepts, such as the concept of reflective equilibrium, of which I support an extensive conception. However convincing these concepts may be and because Rawls considers that the liberal presuppositions are implicit in the public political culture, it seems to me that these presuppositions call for another form of justification: a hermeneutic justification. If the presuppositions are the final result of an interpretation, this interpretation has to be justified. The second part of this thesis looks for such a hermeneutic justification. Its main assumption is that such a justification can be found in Rawls's works on the history of philosophy: the Lectures on the History of Moral Philosophy and the Lectures on the History of Political Philosophy.

MAIA NETO, Vicente Moreira. Futebol, imprensa e cidade: o processo de especialização da crônica esportiva em Fortaleza (1921-1930). 2014. 170f. – Dissertação (Mestrado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em História, Fortaleza (CE), 2014. / Submitted by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2014-09-30T16:51:55Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2014_dis_vmmneto.pdf: 1803353 bytes, checksum: 2501c00a78d970f97030984ba04bc52a (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo(marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2014-10-01T11:18:31Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2014_dis_vmmneto.pdf: 1803353 bytes, checksum: 2501c00a78d970f97030984ba04bc52a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-10-01T11:18:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2014_dis_vmmneto.pdf: 1803353 bytes, checksum: 2501c00a78d970f97030984ba04bc52a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / O presente trabalho tem por objetivo discutir as relações entre o futebol, o espaço urbano e a imprensa fortalezense, durante o processo de especialização da crônica esportiva nos anos 1920. O assunto principal da dissertação é a correlação entre práticas culturais e concepções ideológicas tradicionais e modernas, gerando uma série de conflitos de natureza política e econômica entre diferentes grupos sociais que se apropriavam do jogo de bola em Fortaleza. Nesse sentido, o trabalho tem a finalidade de discutir três temas maiores: a relação entre o futebol e o espaço urbano fortalezense; a relação entre o futebol e a prática da produção cultural impressa em jornais da cidade; e a relação entre o futebol e a constituição de identidades no contexto do período entre guerras mundiais e de formação de grandes metrópoles urbanas, marcadas pela migração em massa e advento das classes média e operária no Brasil e América Latina. / Le travail present a pour objectif discuter les relations entre le football, l’espace urbain et la presse fortalezense, pendant le procés d’especialization de la cronique sportive dans les annés 1920. Le sujet principale c’est les liesons entre les pratiques culturelles et les conceptions idéologiques tradicionnelles et modernes, en generant une série de conflits de nature politique et économique entre les diferents groupes sociaux que s’aproprient du jeu de balle en Fortaleza. Dans ce cas, le travail a l’objectif de penser trois questions principaux: discuter la relation entre le football et l’espace urbain fortalezense; débattre la relation entre le football et la pratique de la production culturel de la presse dans le journaux de la ville; et mettre en question la relation entre le football et la constitution de les identités dans le contexte du period pós-guerre mondiale et pendant le contexte de la formation de les grands métropoles urbains, elles aient marqués pour la migration en masse et l’advent de les nouvelles classes sociaux (moyen et ouvrier) dans le Brésil et Amérique Latine.

John Rawls‟s stated intergenerational justice scheme, known as the just-savings principle, does not include an institutional concern for the environment and is therefore incomplete and incapable of maintaining meaningfully just relations between generations. The theory‟s emphasis on economic theory and capital accumulation demonstrates a misinterpretation of environmental issues and concerns as well as their underlying causes and repercussions. This lapse in Rawls‟s intergenerational scheme exposes flaws in his larger theory of justice by leaving the stability of society in question and placing arbitrary burdens on generations and peoples without institutional recourse. However, by supplementing justice as fairness (JAF) with Rawls‟s other writings, such as The Law of Peoples, a more satisfactory outline for justice between generations can be achieved and a more comprehensive scheme of intergenerational justice can be incorporated into Rawls‟s theory of justice

The present thesis is a critical introduction to a body of writings on heritage conservation by the Czech-born art historian Max Dvořák (1874–1921). From 1905 onwards, Dvořák was both professor of art history at the University of Vienna and Conservator General at the state institution responsible for heritage conservation in Austria: the ‘Royal and Imperial Central Commission for the Research and Preservation of Artistic and Historical Monuments’ (est. 1850). His published and archival texts on the subject are presented here for the first time in English translation. In this sense, the thesis follows the model of existing scholarship on the visual arts in Vienna around 1900, namely the combined English translations and critical introductions to the writings of Camillo Sitte (Collins & Collins, 1986), Otto Wagner (Mallgrave, 1988) and Alois Riegl (Forster & Ghirardo, 1982). A translation-based approach to foreign textual sources is essential to cross-cultural understanding in the study of art and architectural history, particularly in the case of German, which is no longer accessible to the great majority of scholars working in these fields. As an introduction to Dvořák’s Denkmalpflege, this thesis provides the historical context necessary for an informed reading of the texts and, on this basis, evaluates his considerable contribution to the conservation of Austrian cultural heritage. The institutional history of the Central Commission and the emergence of modern conservation theory around the turn of the century are outlined as the preconditions of Dvořák’s activity, which included inventorization, institutional reform, published propaganda and a number of case-specific polemics. His responses to conservation issues in Vienna and Split are analyzed in detail as representative case studies from the centre and periphery of the empire, where modern conservationists were fighting a battle on two fronts against the incursions of modernity on the one hand and the destructive practices of nineteenth-century restoration on the other. Dvořák’s close collaboration with the Austrian heir apparent Franz Ferdinand is then investigated, followed by a critique of his reaction to the devastation of the First World War. In each case, it is argued that the state administration of cultural heritage in late Habsburg Austria, with its diverse peoples, languages and histories, was an inherently political issue and part of a cultural effort to preserve the empire itself.

This essay explores whether the notion of ‘hallowing’ provides a profitable lens through which to read and evaluate the soteriology of British theologian P.T. Forsyth, and it suggests that the hallowing of God’s name is, for Forsyth, the way whereby God both justifies himself and claims creation for divine service. It proposes that reading Forsyth’s corpus as essentially an exposition of the first petition of the Lord’s Prayer is an invitation to better comprehend not only his soteriology but also, by extension, his broader theological vision and interests. Chapters One and Two are concerned with questions of methodology, and with placing Forsyth in the social context of his day, with introducing the theological landscape and grammar from which he expounds his notion of reality as fundamentally moral, and with identifying some of the key but neglected voices that inform such a vision. Chapter Three explores the principal locale wherein the first petition of the Lord’s Prayer is answered: in Jesus Christ, whose confession of holiness ‘from sin’s side’ justifies God, destroys sin and creates a new humanity. Chapter Four examines Forsyth’s moral anthropology – specifically, the self-recovery of holiness in the human conscience – and considers holiness’ shape in the life of faith. Chapter Five inquires whether Forsyth’s theology of hallowing finally requires him to embrace dogmatic universalism, and identifies what problems might attend his failure to so do and consequently threaten to undermine his soteriological program.

The primary focus of this dissertation is the problem of the roles of the moral and the political in political philosophy as exemplified in the philosophies of Kant and Rawls. The research question which intrigues me in the subject matter is whether and to what extent morality has a role in political philosophy. As I argue in this dissertation, while Kant's political philosophy is grounded by his moral philosophy, Rawls holds the opposite view that a political conception of justice should not be derived from any specific moral doctrine. Their contrasting views are further complicated by the fact that Rawls is often regarded as a Kantian due to his partial assimilation of Kant in his theory of justice. A comparative study of their views on the roles of the moral and the political in philosophy is thus particularly instructive in answering the above research question. This dissertation therefore approaches the subject matter from four different angles. In the first chapter, I start with a holistic interpretive account of Kant's moral and political philosophy that is quite different from those in the current literature. Not only do I argue that Kant's moral philosophy is unmistakably an indispensable ground of his political philosophy, but I also argue for a positive duty in politics that is moral by nature. In the second chapter, I shift my focus to Rawls and examine his understanding of morality as reflected in his moral conception of the person in his political philosophy. I argue that the conception is the result of an intended reformulation of Kant's notion of autonomy that is in turn based on an unintended misreading of the same. I go on to relate several weaknesses in Rawls's theory to his understanding of morality and argue that their resolutions require an accurate understanding of the relationship between the moral and the political. The third chapter is a Kantian appraisal of the four roles of political philosophy proposed by Rawls. It is relevant to the subject of this dissertation because the four roles are designed with a strict separation between the political and the moral in mind. If the four roles turn out to be defensible, it would amount to an important defense for such a separation. The fourth chapter offers an alternative for those who are more accustomed to the political than to the moral by proposing a new interpretive approach to Kant's philosophy starting from the political and ending with the moral. By ending this dissertation with this alternative, I hope my research is not merely a comparative study but can also offer a new perspective for a more in-depth understanding of the relationship between the moral and the political in philosophy.

No description available.

No description available.

Tesis para optar al grado de Doctor en Filosofía / Autor no autoriza el acceso a texto completo de su documento. / La dimensión política de la enseñanza de la filosofía no es posterior a tal o cual disposición práctica o elección metodológica para su enseñanza. Ambas concurren, más bien, en el mismo momento. En gran medida se enseña filosofía así como se experimenta en la propia vida las relaciones y tensiones políticas. Se pone más o menos en riesgo una metodología, se restringe un enfoque o se enfatiza otro, de acuerdo al valor de la libertad individual que se esté dispuesto a garantizar o hipotecar cada profesor y profesora, o bien al valor de la igualdad que se quiera defender. Así llegamos al planteamiento de la problemática central y esta es que cuando hacemos referencia al trabajo al cual se consagran los profesionales de la filosofía, no sabemos con exactitud a lo que nos estamos refiriendo. Y no sabemos, no sólo porque bajo el nombre “filosofía” se acogen innumerables intereses, estilos y enfoques, sino que no sabemos porque los efectos que provoca asumir la filosofía de tal o cual modo, puede terminar destruyendo el espíritu mismo que se pretende defender. Mientras ese espíritu no se explicite en una práctica coherente con un discurso, no podemos saber si al hablar de filosofía estamos entendiendo lo mismo, y si, una vez entendido, nos seguirá pareciendo interesante dedicarse a ella o incluso apoyar o defender su existencia.

Informe de Seminario para optar al grado de Licenciado en Filosofía / El presente trabajo rescata,a la luz del contexto histórico chileno y latinoamericano, la filosofía política del que fuera el educador más importante del siglo XX: el brasileño Paulo Freire. A través de un recorrido por cinco de sus obras, se irán revelando los conceptos constitutivos de un proyecto educativo-político cuya estrategia varía en sintonía con la transformación latinoamericana de aquellos años.