The literature's on federalism, integration, and political development all tend to present the progressive centralization of popular allegiance and political power over time as the normal and expected pattern of the history,experience of federations and other states. Canada is an on going federation which does not conform to this model. Canada's Internternal fragmentation's seem at least as compelling as ever, even after more than a century of federal union. Yet the federation has managed to endure while maintaining its divisions. In recent years certain Canadian provinces have become increasingly assertive and persuasive advocates of full autonomy in fields of provincial jurisdiction. They have also sought the fiscal capacity to implement this authority. For a number of reasons some provinces have induced the federal government to abandon its practice of unilaterally making policy in fields of provincial jurisdiction. Because the federal government retains an interest in these services (which include health, welfare, and education), and because some other fields of mutual concern (notably natural resources) are under joint supervision, direct negotiation between executives of federal and provincial governments has become a familiar characteristic of the federal system since the middle 1960's. This new development in federal-provincial relations is often called executive federalism. The study comprises a case study analysis of the evolution of the federal-provincial relationship in one jurisdiction, between the federal government and one province, over a specified time period. Federal and Ontario government files, and interviews with civil servants, supply most of the research material. The immediate objective is a preliminary assessment of how and how well the two sets of government executives have accommodated their conflicting interests in the university field. Ultimately, such a finding suggests some generalizations about how the Canadian federal system is evolving and is being perpetuated in a period when disagreement between federal and provincial governments is the most intense in Canada's history. A set of terms is introduced as analytic tools to assist in a discussion of the dynamic social environment in which federal systems operate. Such an exercise facilitates the attainment of a new perspective on the re lative status of the two levels of government in Canada at this time, and helps to promote an appreciation of the proper strategy for managing intergovernmental conflict. These tools may prove useful in future comparative studies of intergovernmental public policy making in federal states. It is concluded that executive federalism is inevitable and workable in the present federal-provincial climate. In any case, no practical alternative now exists or is likely to appear soon. Although both federal and provincial governments have sacrificed their interests to some degree in executive federalism, only the federal government has surrendered fiscal and jurisdictional manoeuvrability. It is suggested that the federal government consider bringing the provinces into the making of policy in federal fields of provincial concern. Such an alteration of executive federalism might weaken provincial government resistance to continued federal involvement in provincial jurisdictions, and thereby lessen conflict in federal-provincial relations and safeguard the federal government's remaining leverage in provincial fields. / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

Orientador: Italo Arnaldo Tronca / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-31T14:53:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Costa_WagnerCabralda_M.pdf: 19907976 bytes, checksum: 2f9fd9fdc6af401388b3526726b2306c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2001 / Resumo: Um estudo do panorama político do Maranhão no período 1945/1970. Discute-se a trajetória das Oposições Coligadas, frente heterogênea formada para combater a hegemonia política do vitorinismô no estado. São destacados dois momentos: o movimento popular conhecido como Greve de 1951 (contra a fraude eleitoral) e a vitória oposicionista nas eleições de 1965 com o apoio da ditadura militar. Com o recurso a diversas fontes (jornais, memórias, literatura, cinema), procede-se à análise dos imaginários sociais (re)formulados e manejados pelas Oposições, com ênfase às representações sobre o Maranhão, os maranhenses e sua identidade cultural / Abstract: A study of the political panorama of brazilian's state of Maranhão (1945/1970). It discusses the trajectory of "Oposições Coligadas", heterogeneous alliance formed to combat the political hegemony of vitorinismo in the state. Two moments are detached: the popular movement known as Greve de 1951 (against the electoral fraud) and the victory of the oppositionists in 1965's elections, with the military dictatorship's support. It utilizes various types of sources (newspapers, memories, literature, cinema) to make an analysis of the social imaginaries (re)formulated and managed by the "Oposições", with emphasis to the representations about Maranhão, the maranhenses and their cultural identity / Mestrado / Mestre em História

Prenant comme bornes chronologiques les grandes mutations que connait le paysage institutionnel français, ce travail analyse comment les lieux culturels deviennent un terrain d'action critique pour les artistes. La première partie montre qu'avec l'indexation de l'oeuvre sur le contexte les pratiques in situ sont l'aboutissement de la logique d'ancrage dans la société que les courants artistiques des années 1960 promeuvent. En proposant une généalogie de ces pratiques à partir des oeuvres de Jean-Michel Sanejouant, Mark Brusse et Daniel Buren, l'auteur défend l'idée qu'elles constituent un préalable nécessaire à la mise en cause des lieux culturels. La seconde partie engage une discussion des catégories établies par l'historiographie - majoritairement anglo-saxonne. Si les récits développés au sujet des notions "Site specificity" et d'"Institutional critique" informent la reflexion, il est proposé en retour de les réviser à l'aune du cas français, notamment de l'oeuvre d'André Cadere. La troisième partie aborde les rapports que les pratiques artistiques critiques entretiennent avec les mouvements contestataires : après les soulèvements de 1968, les lieux culturels deviennent de véritables espaces de protestation. En s'intéressant à une série d'évènements significatifs, tels que les Biennales de Paris de 1969 et 1971, l'exposition "72-72" ou l'ouverture du Centre Georges Pompidou, l'auteur explore les multiples positions et modes d'action critiques qui s'invitent sur le terrain des lieux culturels : vision réformatrice, activisme, pratiques artistiques critiques. Ce travail constitue ainsi une investigation sur les rapports entre mouvements sociaux et critique artiste dans la France des années 1960-1970 / Taking as chronological markers the major changes that the French institutional landscape experiences, this work analyzes how cultural places become a field of critical action for artists. The first part shows that with the indexing of the work on the context in situ practices are the result of the logic of anchoring in society that 1960s artistic movements promote. By providing a genealogy of these practices from the works of Jean-Michel Sanejouand, Mark Brusse and Daniel Buren, the auhor argues that they are a necessary prerequisite for the questioning of cultural venues. The second part undertakes a discussion of the categories established by the historiography - mainly Anglo-Saxon. If the stories developed about the concept "Site specificity" and "Institutional critique" inform the discussion, it was proposed in return for review in the light of the French case, especially the work of André Cadere. The third part discusses the reports that the critical artistic practices have with the protest movements : after the uprisings of 1968, cultural veneus become real protest sites. By focusing on a series of significant events such as the Paris Biennials of 1969 and 1971, the "72-72" exhibition or opening of thez Pompidou Centre, the author explores the multiple positions and modes of critical action that invite in the field of cultural venues : reforming vision, activism, critical artistic practices. This work is thus an investigation on the relationship between social movements and artist critic in France from 1960-1970

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