LIMA FILHO, Sebastião André Alves de. O que a Escola Superior de Guerra (ESG) ensinava. 2011. 288f. – Tese (Doutorado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em Sociologia, Fortaleza (CE), 2011. / Submitted by Gustavo Daher (gdaherufc@hotmail.com) on 2017-08-08T12:12:10Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2011_tese_saalimafilho.pdf: 2500904 bytes, checksum: cf50ac522271edb628d71bc72a66b777 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2017-08-08T15:02:25Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2011_tese_saalimafilho.pdf: 2500904 bytes, checksum: cf50ac522271edb628d71bc72a66b777 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-08-08T15:02:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2011_tese_saalimafilho.pdf: 2500904 bytes, checksum: cf50ac522271edb628d71bc72a66b777 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / The thesis investigates the meanings of the teachings of the War College (ESG) for the development, national integration and progress of science and technology in Brazil in the period 1949-1976. For this purpose, is to establish relations between the creation of the School, the profile of his "students" and the purpose of their travels, specifically the Course of War. The paper identifies that the teachings of ESG positions were characterized by undemocratic, anti-communist and favorable the deployment in the country a model of dependent capitalist development. Indicates that the ESG was an institution for training of "elites organic", positioned between the layers of great social networking power and political mobilization, promoting the politicization of the Armed Forces unwilling to control the direction of the Brazilian state. / A tese investiga os significados dos ensinamentos da Escola Superior de Guerra (ESG) referente ao desenvolvimento, a integração nacional e ao progresso da ciência e da tecnologia no Brasil no período 1949-1976. Para tanto, trata de estabelecer relações entre a criação da Escola, o perfil de seus “alunos” e a finalidade de seus cursos, especificamente o Curso Superior de Guerra. O trabalho identifica que os ensinamentos da ESG se caracterizavam por posições antidemocráticas, anticomunistas e favoráveis a implantação, no país, de um modelo de desenvolvimento capitalista dependente. Indica que a ESG era uma instituição militar de formação de “elites orgânicas”, posicionadas entre as camadas sociais de grande poder de articulação e mobilização política, favorecendo, principalmente, a politização das Forças Armadas dispostas a controlar a direção do Estado brasileiro.

一九四九年中華人民共和國成立，社會結構發生巨變，知識分子群體的階層身份與話語體系首當其衝受到劇烈衝擊--階層身份的重塑與話語體系的重構，需要盡快完成，以實現與社會主義意識形態的對接，為新政權服務。在這種情境下，高校歐美派自由主義知識分子群體對高校院系調整政策的集體抵制，觸發了建國以來中國共產黨對知識分子的第一場大規模思想改造運動。在這場以「洗澡」命名的改造運動中，毛澤東建構的「新」話語通过「批評與自我批評」的運動方式灌輸给被改造者，最終實現了對高校知識分子精英「舊」話語的全面替代。本文採取政治傳播學與話語研究相結合的研究視角，將這場發生於1951-1952年的中國知識分子思想改造運動嵌入時代发展的政治文化坐標，通過對中國傳統知識分子、五四知識分子話語體系的系譜梳理、展現毛澤東建構下的「新-舊」知識話語間的話語創新、重合與對抗，並通過改造運動中這套「新」話語之於知識分子群體思想与話語的改造，展示出建國初期毛治下知識分子思想改造運動中的話語傳播手段與權力運用策略。本文認為，毛澤東通過「破舊」與「立新」兩大步驟，以「階級論」為核心、聯合「人民」與「革命」兩大強勢話語，對「知識」及「知識分子」重下定義，創造出一套「新」的「紅色」知識話語體系，成為毛治下整體性的、無所不包的意識形態解釋體系。具體到知識分子改造實踐中，該話語運用「階級」的概念將知識分子與底層民眾的權力地位反轉，並通過將「階級」與中國傳統文化中的道德相關聯，激發知識分子的「原罪感」，加之群眾運動中不斷激化的「污名化」、暴力語言和對毛「先知」話語的崇拜等話語現象，致使高校知識分子群體紛紛與過去的知識話語體系決裂。然而，毛建構的「紅色」話語體系，是建立在脫離社會實際的「表達性現實」基礎上的，儘管隨著毛澤東這一話語權威核心的消失，整套話語體系也隨之崩塌，但運動對於知識分子群體話語、思想與精神的衝擊，成為當時崇尚「獨立之思考、自由之精神」的知識分子精英群體所共同面臨的話語困境，也是當前中國知識分子依然直面的問題。Abstract When the People's Republic of China (PRC) was founded in 1949, social structure had changed dramatically and the class identity of intellectual groups was the first to be affected severely. The remodeling of class identity and reconstruction of discourse system of the intellectuals needed to be addressed as quickly as possible so as to serve the new regime. And the event that the elite liberal intellectuals in colleges and universities boycotted the adjustment on faculty policies of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) had triggered the first large-scale ideological transforming movement after the foundation of PRC. `New' discourse mode constructed by Mao Tsetung was infused into transformers' minds being transformed in this movement, and finally the `red' revolutionary knowledge discourse had totally replaced the traditional knowledge discourse of intellectuals in colleges and universities. From the research perspectives of political communication and discourse analysis, this thesis places this Ideological Transforming Movement of Chinese Intellectuals during 1951 to 1952 into a political and cultural background of the era; manifests the innovation, overlapping and confrontation between the `new' discourse constructed by Mao Tsetung and the traditional discourse of the Chinese traditional intellectuals and the contemporary intellectuals coming into being from in the May 4th Movement; and analyses the application of `new' discourse in intellectual groups in the ideological transforming movement, reveals the discourse propagation tools and power exertion strategies in the ideological transforming movement in the new China under Mao's dominion. It is considered in this thesis that Mao took the `class' as a core discourse, populism and revolutionary narration as contents, redefined `knowledge' and `intellectual', and thus created a new set of `red' knowledge discourse and ideology system. In the intellectual ideological transforming movement, this new, systematic and coverall explanation system utilized `class' to convert the power status between elite intellectuals and people at the bottom of the society, as well as linked it with morality to stimulate the intellectuals' sense of `original sin'. Meanwhile, with the upgrading `stigmatization' and language violence as well as the idolization of `prophet language' of Mao Tsetung in the mass movement after 1949, the elite intellectuals finally discarded the previous knowledge discourse and embrace the `red' current discourse. However, the discourse system constructed by Mao based on the basis of `expressive reality' which broke away from social reality, therefore, as Mao Tsetung, the authority core of the discourse system, disappeared, the overall discourse system constructed by him also collapsed. Nevertheless, the ideological reforming movement in the 1950s exposed a discourse predicament that intellectual elites who advocated `independent thinking and spirit freedom' were jointly facing, which also persists with the Chinese intellectuals nowadays.

The study is an examination of struggles over socialist construction in China between the Tenth National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party in 1973 and the arrests of the so-called "gang of four" in 1976. It analyzes the content of debates, the context in which they occurred and policies implemented during the period. The study is based upon materials collected while living in China, observations during participation in various political movements of the period, and on materials from the Chinese print and broadcast media. The dissertation analyzes struggles over industrial development and organization, science and technology policy, rural development, and the role of the education system in socialist society. Issues debated included worker participation in management, cadre participation in labor, labor remuneration policies, the role of scientists and technicians in the production process, the importation of advanced technology, the relationship between scientific theory and Marxism-Leninism, structural and ideological changes in the modernization of agriculture, access to higher education and the role of intellectuals in socialist society. These debates are analyzed from the perspective of Marxian theory. From this analysis the study concludes that in spite of the formal appearance of a debate, genuine and open discussion of policy alternatives and concrete results did not in fact occur. There were a number of conceptions, widely held in China during the mid-seventies, which it is argued were a central factor in thwarting the emergence of real debate. These include the concept of the role of the Communist Party as the "core of leadership" in all spheres of social life, the notion of the "continuation of class struggle" in socialist society, misinterpretation of the relationship between the forces and relations of production in the process of development, misunderstanding of the means by which the division of labor can be transcended and misunderstanding of the nature of Chinese society. The study challenges these conceptions from the point of view of Marxian theory and traces the role they played in the distortion of the debates and the suppression of alternative viewpoints. / Arts, Faculty of / Sociology, Department of / Graduate

Political scientists generally believe that the foreign and domestic conflict behavior of nations are related to the extent that nations experiencing internal difficulties will seek foreign policies of conflict in order to divert the people's attention from serious internal problems. Recent empirical studies, however, have cast some doubt on this generalized relationship. Generally, China scholars agree that increases in the levels of internal conflict has historically led the Chinese to seek foreign policies of conflict. This generalization provides both hypotheses for this study: (1) increases in levels of internal conflict are related to increases in levels of external conflict, and (2) if the two domains are related causally as suggested by the China scholars, then increases in internal conflict should be related to increases in external conflict at points later in time. Data were collected on nine measures of domestic conflict and 12 measures of foreign conflict. The data were collected over a 21 year period, 19S>0-1970, exclusively from the New York Times Index. The results were mixed. The principal finding in the correlations of the raw data and the transformed raw data was that foreign and domestic conflict were not related generally. However, analysis of the annual weighted transformed data did produce a significant relationship between foreign and domestic conflict of .52. Pour additional cross-checks were performed. First, treating the data quarterly, rather than annually, confirmed the finding at .40. Second, using the Spearman rank correlation test (rather than the Pearson product moment) lowered the correlation to .33 "for the annual data and .28 for the quarterly data, but still both correlations were moderately significant (the annual correlation was significant at the .14 level while the quarterly correlation was significant at the .01 level). The remaining two checks (a scattergram for checking linearity and outliers, and the analysis of smaller time-units in order to check for the stability of the relationship over time) produced results suggesting that the initial conclusion of a high relationship be modified to a moderately significant relationship. Thus, the principal finding of this study was that a moderate relationship exists between foreign and domestic conflict behavior in Communist China. Finally, temporal relationships did confirm the China scholar's notion that one conflict domain in China is temporally related to the other, but the relationship was contrary to what was expected: domestic conflict consistently emerged as the dependent variable, appearing to increase and decrease after increases and decreases in foreign conflict. Whether or not the two dimensions of internal and external conflict are related to the degree to which the China scholars believe is a question not totally confirmed nor refuted significantly by this study. The principal finding of a moderate relationship, however, does lend some support to the historical generalizations relating foreign and domestic conflict behavior in Communist China.

In November of 1965, the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, was launched in China when a Shanghai newspaper editor, Yao Wen-yuan, published an attack on the play which is translated here, Hai Jui Dismissed from Office. The fact that this event constituted the beginning of what later became a political struggle of vast proportions was recognized only belatedly by most Western analysts. When the Cultural Revolution moved into high gear with the launching of the Red Guard movement in the spring of 1966, vague references were made in some Western commentaries to the fact that the explosion seemed to have been ignited, by the public exposure of a drama which had purportedly satirized the Communist Party and Mao Tse-tung. No one appeared to have any certainty about exactly what the play had said and in what way it satirized Mao and the Party. As far as I am aware, this is the first translation of the entire text of the play, or any part of it, into English. Aside from simply translating the text of the play, the purpose of this thesis is to analyze the events of late 1965 and early 1966 and place them both in chronological order and in political perspective. In this way, it is clearly shown how the attack on Wu Han led to attacks on other "bourgeois" writers and intellectuals. Eventually, this latter group was linked to high officials in the Peking Municipal Committee of the Chinese Communist Party. Finally, the "cultural" aspect of the Cultural Revolution gave way to a full-fledged political battle within the Party itself. / Arts, Faculty of / Asian Studies, Department of / Graduate

Most analysts study leadership succession in communist states as a "crisis" which ensues after the death of a dominant leader. This study takes an alternative approach. It is a survey of provisions for leadership succession in the People's Republic, of China. This involves a comparison of the strategies and motivations of Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping in providing for their own succession. Deng Xiaoping's more extensive provisions for leadership succession during the CCP's transition towards a more institutionalized one-party bureaucratic rule are likely to be more durable than Mao's provisions in the earlier period. Nevertheless, guarantees of smooth and regularized succession, especially of protégés promoted on the basis of personal ties within the leadership core, may be impossible to obtain. Mao's provisions were aimed largely at what he saw as a probable, but deplorable, bureaucratic future of the PRC. Deng, on the other hand, perceives an element of opportunity in the succession process. He has tried to provide leadership that will, in his estimation, be better able to bring about China's modernization. In both leaders' provisions for succession, the elevation to the status of "heir apparent" of individuals has been a political liability to those individuals, especially when their promotion is perceived to be based largely on personal ties to the dominant leader. This liability becomes more pronounced in a period of bureaucratic, collective leadership. Because of his shifting policy preferences, his status as charismatic leader, and the ambitious nature of his protégés, Mao Zedong was unsuccessful in providing for his own succession. Deng Xiaoping, on the other hand, has been successful in cultivating a reserve of young, well-educated cadres. These provisions, because they are extensive and exist in a more subdued, consensus-oriented political environment, may well be Deng's most enduring legacy. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

This thesis introduces China's contemporary history especially the period 1949-1976 based on the analysis of selected British and American historiography. Through the criticism and comparison of British and American scholars' discourse, this thesis will obtain a deeper understanding of China's history. This thesis regards Mao Zedong as the main China's historical figure, as well as the construction of new China as the main line of writing. So the position of Mao and the Chinese Communist Party during the period of the construction of new China is an important part to discuss in this thesis. The thesis mainly talks about the period 1949-76 of China from the perspective of political and economic policies and movements, international relations, social issues, military actions and cultural movements. In addition, this thesis also emphasizes on discussing the angles, methodology and terminology of British and American historiography on China's contemporary history.

一九七六年四月五日發生的「天安門事件」，在近代中國具有劃時代的歷史意義。它 的爆發有著深刻的人民反叛根源和歷史背景，既不是偶然的，也不是孤立的一個事件 。因此，本論文試圖透過各種可靠的權威性資料及研究途徑，探討該事件的來龍去脈 、政治意義及政治影響，進而獲致通盤的、客觀的清楚理解。 在對「天安門事件」從研究之前，對中國的天安門廣場歷史必須先有一審清晰的鳥瞰 、如此才能鑑往知來，並瞭解它特有的精神及政治象徵。其次，對「天安門事件」的 背景亦須加以探討，此凡分兩部份：第一部份是探究一九四九年∼一九七六年中共領 導階層的衝突基線（包括權力鬥爭、派系鬥爭、路線鬥爭、毛澤東思想等等）；第二 部份是研究一九四九年∼一九七六年中共在野反對派的鬥爭主線（包括政治反對的類 型、形成原因、實踐形式、政治訴求等等）。 第三，則詳細討論爆發「天安門事件」的近因、導火線、鬥爭過程。 第四，是對「天安門事件」的總評價，它們包括：「人民革命」的正確性、周鄧路線 與毛江路線、曲折的「平反昭雪」過程，論西方左翼「中國通」的不通、天安門事件 的世界性歷史地位等等。 接著，談「天安門事件」的政治影響，裡面論及毛澤東的「功過」、「實踐派」與「 凡是派」的問題、青民民主運動躍登政治舞台、「四個現代化」與「民主化」的困境 等等。至於鄧小平在中共權力鬥爭中扮演的重要角色，當亦在討論之列。 結論是以「天安門事件」為主，對中共極權統治作一質的清算。

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities / Department of Government and Public Administration

L'une des plus grandes rencontres interculturelles Chine-Occident de l'histoire s'est opérée entre les missionnaires occidentaux et le peuple chinois. La Première Guerre mondiale a ralenti le travail missionnaire des pays européens, c'est pourquoi ceux-ci ont fait appel à leurs homologues Nord-Américains pour assurer l'apostolat dans la nouvelle République de Chine. Les jésuites du Québec se sont portés volontaires pour relever le défi. Les premiers missionnaires ont foulé le sol chinois en 1918. À partir de ce moment, et ce jusqu'en 1955, leur implication ne cessa de prendre de l'importance, tant au niveau du nombre de missionnaires impliqués, des responsabilités que des sommes d'argent investies. Les missionnaires jésuites du Québec ont écrit beaucoup d'articles à propos des traditions socioculturelles chinoises. À partir de 1930, ces articles sont rendus disponibles à la population québécoise par l'entremise du périodique le Brigand, fondé spécifiquement pour la mission des jésuites du Québec en Chine. / Québec Université Laval, Bibliothèque 2014