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This essay intends to focus on how the teachers in Sweden answers to a change in the laws regarding their right to use the strike weapon in negotiations with their employer. Before 1966 state-employed professions were not allowed to negotiate and take conflict action. In 1966 however a new law, giving the state-employed the right to negotiate with all that it entails, was passed. In the following negotiation the teacher called for strike action. My main material is the teacher union Lärararnas Riksförbunds’ own news paper Skolvärlden, which I have analysed with a qualitative text analysis. My theoretical perspective stems from how certain trade unions have worked with professional strategies in order to reach a ”professional status” for their profession. The results from my analysis show that the teachers used both professional methods as ”social closure”-techniques and the emphasis on the own professions autonomy and distinctive features, as well as more common union techniques as the strike weapon and the will to open up their union to some of the groups below.

MELO, Francisco Egberto de. Práticas de clientelismo, educação planejada e sonho da redenção humana em torno do PLAMEG – Plano de Metas do Governo Virgílio Távora (Ceará, 1963-66). 2013. 284f. – Tese (Doutorado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em Educação Brasileira, Fortaleza (CE), 2013. / Submitted by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2013-10-07T16:59:18Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2013-TESE-FEMELO.pdf: 3145236 bytes, checksum: 7f916afb19568ffa6a667fe2c14f2a99 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo(marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2013-10-07T17:32:44Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2013-TESE-FEMELO.pdf: 3145236 bytes, checksum: 7f916afb19568ffa6a667fe2c14f2a99 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-10-07T17:32:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2013-TESE-FEMELO.pdf: 3145236 bytes, checksum: 7f916afb19568ffa6a667fe2c14f2a99 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / o início dos anos de 1960, vivenciaram-se, no Brasil, diversos projetos de sociedade e de educação. No Ceará, o governador Virgílio Távora, representando a “União pelo Ceará”, iniciou o processo de implantação do seu Plano de Metas de Governo (Plameg), cujos objetivos principais eram o desenvolvimento do estado por meio da industrialização e a racionalização da máquina administrativa com vistas à intervenção nos rumos da economia e da modernização desenvolvimentista. Para o campo educacional, foram convidados professores vinculados aos projetos de educação popular, principalmente do Movimento de Educação de Base (Meb), que desenvolviam práticas educacionais referenciadas no solidarismo cristão sob a influência das encíclicas de João XXIII e nos princípios de Piaget e de John Dewey. O resultado foi a elaboração do Plano Estadual de Educação (PEE) e o Livro da Professora. Com base nestes três documentos, nas palestras e discursos do governador, em documentos administrativos e jornais da época, analiso como os projetos de educação, de sociedade e de formação humana se complementavam e se contradiziam no contexto de indefinições que culminou com o Golpe Civil-Militar de 1964. Fundada nas premissas de uma nova história política, a análise se desenvolve em três tessituras que se complementam: as práticas políticas fundadas no coronelismo, patrimonialismo e política de parentela com os projetos de modernização do Plameg; os projetos de modernização voltados para a industrialização e os projetos educacionais que visavam formar um homem cristão e solidário com o seu meio; as propostas de educação libertadora resultantes da circulação de ideias pelo Nordeste Brasileiro e as práticas habituais educativas da época.

M.A. (Fine Arts) / The predominant artistic motif in the art of Irma Stern is the fecale figure. Stern prefers certain "types" of females in her art - that of young girls, of adolescents, of female workers, of nudes, of brides, of mature women and of mothers. This dissertation aims to show that these different motifs are not isolated, but rather interrelated to elicit a holistic symbolic syntax in the art of Stern. The symbolic relevance is extended with regard to her personalized world and with regard to the world around her. In Chapter 1 the female figure is analysed in terms of its forma7 qualities and the types of motifs in the art of Stern are juxtaposed with the characteristic types of motif preferred by the German Expressionists. It is noted that the female figure in the art of Stern is closely associated with the cultivation of the land - so much so that a cycle emerges which includes such activities as planting, bearing fruit and harvestirg. Other motifs such as young girls, adolescents and mature women indicate a cycle in the physiological as well as psychic development of the female. In Chapter 2 the symbolic meaning of the motifs is discussed in terms of the cultivation cycle of the land and the cycle tracing the deveThpment of the female. A corollary is also established between the female's role in the cultivation of the land and the female's own development. Chapter 3 examines the symbolic relevance of the art of Stern in terms of her ontogenetic development as human being in relation to society and in terms of the phylogenetic development of society itself. The relevance of the female principle in the art of Stern is evauated in terms of the above approach in the final chapter.

This study seeks to establish a basic theory that explains the policies and practices of civilian and military regimes on higher education in Nigeria. Specifically, the study seeks to determine whether or not the Nigerian military regimes gave top priority to higher education through financing, planning and staffing of the universities system of Nigeria. The first chapter is designed to set a general guideline for this research, mainly pointing to various methodological and theoretical foundations of the research. Chapter Two throws some light on the development of the British colonial policies that have influenced the contemporary behavior of the Nigerian public policy makers. In addition, it lays a foundation for the subsequent chapters through critical analysis of issues in the historical dynamics of Nigeria. Chapter Three focuses mainly on the comparative analysis of the general military public policy decrees from 1966 to 1978, regime by regime. The importance of this chapter is the fact that it synthesizes in an orderly manner those 'major decrees or public policies of the various Nigerian military regimes. Chapter Four is devoted to the study of a brief history of educational policies and philosophies in Nigeria. It examines the place of the University Education on the list of priorities affected by the Nigerian public policies. An effort is made to assess higher education policies and their implementation. In Chapter Five, an attempt is made to examine higher education policies under the Nigerian military regimes. Major emphasis is placed on policy orientations rather than technical issues. This section is pertinent and interesting because it is based upon a critical evaluation, as well as an objective assessment of Nigerian higher education policies. Chapter Six is devoted to the implementation of Nigerian higher education policies under the military regimes. It is in this chapter that the three policy areas--financing, staffing and planning are re-evaluated. Chapter Seven then deals with the evaluation and analysis of the problems and Chapter Eight presents the general summary and conclusions. As a part of the summary and conclusions, the overall implications, recommendations and contributions are presented. Thus, based on data available, it seems clear that the Nigerian military regimes developed and implemented an effective national higher education policy and gave financial, planning, and staffing priority to that policy. As a result, there are more equitable educational opportunities across the nation and the quality of education received has improved significantly under the Nigerian military regimes.

Dissertação (mestrado)-Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-13T20:30:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Shimizu_DayseMariaAlonso_M.pdf: 9642499 bytes, checksum: 1fff1d8f440650507854cb40d049780b (MD5) Previous issue date: 1984 / Mestrado

Zugl.: Erlangen, Nürnberg, Univ., Diss., 2006.

 This narrative study examines the consequence of the Cultural Revolution experience for the 1966-1976 primary school students, who are labeled as Little Red Guards. They retrospectively identify both gains and losses from their schooling experience during the Cultural Revolution, which contrasts with the traditional victim image of the Red Guard generation. This study focuses on the coexistence of their positive and negative voices, specifically asking how are the positive and negative voices formed in the narratives of the former Little Red Guards, and what are the perceived gains and losses over time. The field work was conducted in Beijing in 2009 and 2010. Data was collected through oral histories and analyzed relying on the method of personal narrative analysis. Forty-nine informants participated, and twenty-six cases were selected as major data sources. Given the range in participants’ ages, selected cases are classified into three groups: 1966 senior primary school students (Group-A), 1966 junior primary school students (Group-B), and students who enrolled in primary school in the 1970s (Group-C). Furthermore, due to their subjective voices, the narratives are also divided into four sub-categories: positive, negative, neither (neither-positive-nor-negative) and both (both-positive-and-negative) voices. The oral data is presented with impressive moments, events, and episodes (at the factual level), and their reflections and self-generalizations (at the interpretative level). Data analysis suggests that the positive and/or negative voices are closely linked with students’ past position in school, which involved three roles: activists, students with a bad label, and ordinary participants. The activists basically hold positive points due to their student leader experiences as well as the beneficial social practices they engaged in. The labeled students tend to put forward totally negative accounts because of excluded experiences, characterized by alienation, discriminations, and frustrations. The ordinary participants, on one hand, assign negative comments to the meaningless social practices they participated; on the other hand, also highlight untended positive consequences for their later life. The findings reveal two determining themes within the diverse narratives: involvements in the political activities and participation in social practice. The two themes indicate two significantly hidden tissues: ideological awareness (IA) and practical awareness (PA).Working as the internalized predisposition, IA and PA expose the embodied history of the former Little Red Guards and a historically embedded process of their self-construction. Concerning the revolutionary context of the 1966-1976 education reform, this study combines and integrates IA and PA as constituting a revolutionary habitus (RH).The positive accounts relating to IA and PA display an elaborative meaning of RH; whereas the negative narratives concerning IA and PA demonstrate the restrictive meaning of RH. Therefore, the potential gains lie in the attainment of strong confident leadership and pragmatic social practice; while the losses refer to the formation of a pervasive sensitivity to political issues and a destructive recognition of the practical-oriented education. The finding of RH also stimulates more reflective thinking about the legacy of the 1966-1976 radical education reform, from the perspective of former Little Red Guards. / published_or_final_version / Education / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

Lucia Etxebarria's first two novels, Amor, curiosidad, prozac y dudas and Beatriz y los cuerpos celestes, demonstrate just how the author affirms, questions and discredits the binary notions that are historically associated with gender. A critical approach to the social roles traditionally categorized as masculine and feminine and the literal and symbolic concepts of homo, hetero and bisexuality---all of which are personified by the varied protagonists of the two works---unveils the faulty foundation upon which the cultural, sexual and even biological dichotomies of male and female are constructed and perpetuated. These arbitrary ideals are patriarchal constructs that inherently marginalize, conceal and even eradicate the innumerable unclassifiable gender combinations that can be found along the sexual spectrum. Etxebarria uses her texts as a social weapon with which to rebel against the traditional myths of femininity and represent the socially problematic genders that are often silenced by the omnipresent power of the classical Spanish hegemony.

The 'New Order' government, under President Suharto's leadership, has undertaken different initiatives in the face of both 'political' Islam and 'religious' Islam in Indonesia. Since coming into power in 1966, it has exercised strict control over 'political' Islam; on the other hand, its attitude towards 'religious' Islam has generally been tolerant and even supportive. The result has been a considerable weakening of Islamic political forces but a rapidly developing 'religious' Islam. This reality has forced the present-day generation of Indonesian Muslim thinkers to take an approach which is different from that of the previous generation in responding to the government's policies towards Islam. Unlike their predecessors, some of whom had too ideological and formalistic a conception of an Islamic state, the present Muslim thinkers take an approach which is for the most part politically non-partisan. There has been a growing tendency among them to denounce the efficacy of Islamic political parties. They see that the realization of an Islamic community and the well-being of the ummah will come about not through exclusive and uncompromising political actions but through socioeconomic and cultural means and the ability to be less exclusive and willing to work with those who share different ideas. As a result of efforts along these lines, the relationship between the Muslim community and the government has improved substantially. Nevertheless, it remains to be seen whether or not this developing 'religious' Islam will, at some future date, be transformed into a powerful 'political' Islam.