The relationship of attitude measurement with the political campaign process provides the problem area that this study considers. The purpose of this political communication study is to explore in detail and describe various "attitude" profiles of voters and resulting candidate "images" of the 1972 presidential election. These "attitudes" and "images" are determined through the use of three primary research instruments: the semantic differential scale, the Method of Ordered Alternatives, and the political philosophy continuum. In addition to these, a record of actual voting behavior serves as validating support of the measured attitudes. This study deals with "attitudes" toward and candidate "images" of George McGovern, R. Sargent Shriver, Richard M. Nixon, and Spiro T. Agnew, the Democratic and Republican candidates for President and Vice-President in 1972. This descriptive investigation unfolds into three major problem areas: 1. to report and describe "panoramic images" of Nixon,. McGovern, Agnew, and Shriver, as measured by the semantic differential scale. 2. to give an account of voter preferred positions A through I as measured by the Method of Ordered Alternatives in connection with "attitude" as measured by the evaluative factor of the semantic differential scale, and subsequently aligned with actual voting behavior. 3. to determine the relationship between voters' own political philosophies and their perceived political philosophies of the four candidates as measured by the political philosophy continuum. The remainder of this chapter overviews the historical mileau of the 1972 presidential campaign, explains the research design and procedures, and offers an organizational preview of the remaining five chapters.

This paper is a comparative study of Aristotle's Poetics and Ezra Pound's ABC of Reading to discover and determine values in literature, especially poetry, which reflect on the nature and the manifestations of human communication. I feel that scholars in the field of communication can benefit personally and academically from exposure to those poets who have expr essed themselves on the reasons or the manners in which people communicate. To pursue this question requires the use of a guide to poetry, a method by which I can learn to recognize a poem on sight; so that when it comes to discourse about the communicative values of poetry, I can be assured that it is poetry and not some other thing which would be the subject of discourse. The guide is called a poetics. From among the various texts on poetics I have selected these two because not only do they contain scholarship and observation of extraordinary acumen, but also because a comparison between the two can produce valuable similarities and differences, which are of further use in establishing values for a given text of poetics.

You can't judge a book by its cover. The cliche may be trite, nonetheless it is applicable to Harry s. Truman. The feisty Missourian wrested greatness from the hands of his challengers who would have denied it to him because of his background. His lack of a college degree seemed to rankle the press, and as far as they were concerned disqualified him as President of the United States. Based largely on contemporary accounts, this thesis traces the color and drama of Truman's 1948 campaign. In order to appreciate fully the triumph of the President’s victory, it was necessary to follow his career from the time of his unexpected ascendancy to the highest office in the land to his ultimate triumph in 1948. The developments on the international and domestic scene, fraught with danger and anxiety for the American public, provided the backdrop which enabled Truman to prove his resourcefulness and courage. This thesis does not pretend to solve the mystery of the 1948 election. Rather it has proven to be an exercise in research instead of a revealing analysis of the presidential campaign. No new material has been made available to the public which would help answer the question of why the press was so consistently wrong in its analysis of the outcome. Nor has the press admitted to an unreasonably biased view of Harry Truman. They maligned him unmercifully, still he prevailed. He was indeed the "uncommonest of common men."

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La Constitución Política del Perú de 1993 y la Constitución Política de Panamá de 1972 prevén la reforma total de la Constitución, pero el tema de los alcances de este tipo de reforma no es pacífico, y a pesar de que ninguna de estas constituciones establece cláusulas pétreas, queda la posibilidad de plantear la existencia de límites materiales implícitos al poder de reforma. Los límites materiales implícitos a la reforma constitucional se presentan entonces como diques de contención con los que se intenta impedir en última instancia la caída del sistema constitucional. Así, la reforma constitucional total, no puede ser total en el sentido de que pueda legítimamente desconocer la dignidad del hombre, los derechos fundamentales o la soberanía popular característica del Estado constitucional democrático, pues terminaría socavando la propia esencia de la Constitución como herramienta de limitación del poder político y protección de los derechos fundamentales. En realidad, desde el punto de vista material, toda reforma deberá ser limitada y parcial, aun en los casos de aquellos Estados constitucionales cuyas Constituciones aparentemente han “constitucionalizado la función constituyente” y no han previsto límites materiales expresos frente a la reforma. En esta misma línea, el control de constitucionalidad de la reforma es una consecuencia lógica de la necesidad de autoconservación del Estado constitucional, pero además, dicho control no queda limitado a los aspectos meramente formales de la reforma, sino que abarca la defensa de los principios básicos que definen una Constitución en sentido moderno, entre ellos, la separación de poderes y los derechos fundamentales. Así, si el constituyente no ha dispuesto límites materiales expresos al poder de reforma, los órganos jurisdiccionales supremos de control de constitucionalidad deberán entrar a discernir aquellos elementos que se levantan como barreras frente a cualquier intento de destruir el sistema constitucional mediante una reforma.

Mémoire numérisé par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.

Thèse numérisée par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.