The terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 transformed the way in which Americans and their leaders viewed the world. The tragic events of that day helped give rise to a foreign policy strategy commonly referred to as the “Bush Doctrine.” At the heart of this doctrine lay a series of propositions about the need to foster liberal democracy as the antidote to terrorism. President George W. Bush proclaimed in a variety of addresses that democracy now represented the “single surviving model” of political life to which all people aspired. In the course of making this argument, President Bush seemed to relate his policies to an overarching “teleology” of progress. This discourse implied that the United States might use force to hasten the emergence of liberal norms and institutions in selected states. With a sense of irony, some commentators soon referred to the Bush administration’s position as “Leninist” because of its determination to bring about the so-called “end of history” today. Yet, surprisingly, these critics had little more to add. This thesis is an attempt to assess in greater depth the Bush administration’s claim to comprehend historical eschatology. Developing a concept termed “democratic vanguardism,” this study investigates the idea of liberal modernity, the role of the United States as a force for democracy, and the implications of using military intervention in the service of idealistic ends. It examines disputes among political theorists, public intellectuals and elected statesmen which help to enrich our understanding of the United States’ efforts under President Bush at bending history to its will.

Orientador: Marco Aurélio Nogueira / Banca: Cristina Soreanu Pecequilo / Banca: Samuel Alves Soares / Resumo: Este trabalho busca compreender a evolução da narrativa do inimigo por meio da análise dos discursos presidenciais norte-americanos como o State of the Union - e outros selecionados tematicamente - entre os anos de 1989 e 2009, correspondentes aos governos de George H. W. Bush, Bill Clinton e George W. Bush. Para tanto, usaremos das proposições teóricas de autores pós-estruturalistas como David Campbell e Robert Walker, além de utilizar a estrutura de pesquisa proposta por Lene Hansen. Junto à análise discursiva, abordaremos as principais questões de Segurança no período proposto como forma de alusão às representações do inimigo e de forma a enriquecer o trabalho. Nossa hipótese é a de que a mudança, por vezes proposta expressamente por alguns presidentes e autores de estudos sobre os Estados Unidos, é na verdade uma adaptação de discursos recorrentes na condução da política norteamericana. Dessa forma, buscaremos analisar quais os elementos centrais e dissonantes para o período em questão. / Abstract: This work seeks to comprehend the evolution of the narrative of the enemy through the analysis of American presidential speeches such as the State of the Union - and other selected thematically - between the years of 1989 and 2009, corresponding to the governments of George H. W. Bush, Bill Clinton and George W. Bush. For this, we use the theoretical propositions of poststructuralist authors as David Campbell and Robert Walker, and also the analytical structure proposed by Lene Hansen. Along the discursive analysis, we discuss the main security issues of the period proposed as a way of alluding to the representations of the enemy, in order to enrich the work. Our hypothesis is that change, sometimes explicitly proposed by some presidents and authors of studies on the United States, is actually an adaptation of recurrent speeches in the conduct of U.S. policy. Thus, we try to analyze the core and discordant elements for the period in question. / Mestre

Evaluation des mutations de la stratégie politico-militaire américaine depuis l'occurrence de la Revolution in Military Affairs jusqu'au processus actuel de "Transformation". L'analyse des évolutions vues - y compris à l'aune des opérations menées en Afghanistan et en Irak - montre, au delà du phénomène de technicisation (i.e. le processus d'intégration de nouvelles technologies aux armées) un phénomène de "technologisation". <p><p>Dans ce cadre, le discours stratégique américain, examiné au travers des débats stratégiques et des contributions doctrinales, tendrait à être sur-déterminé par la technologie, du niveau tactique au niveau politique, de sorte que ledit discours tendrait à devenir en soi une technologie. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / Symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) are a common comorbidity in veterans seeking treatment of chronic musculoskeletal pain (CMP). However, little is known regarding the mutual influence of PTSD and CMP in this population. Using cross-sectional and longitudinal data from a randomized clinical trial evaluating a stepped care intervention for CMP in Iraq/Afghanistan veterans (ESCAPE), this dissertation examined the relationships between PTSD and CMP along with other factors including depression, anxiety, catastrophizing and health-related quality of life. The Classification and Regression Tree (CART) analysis was conducted to identify key factors associated with baseline PTSD besides CMP severity. A series of statistical analyses including logistical regression analysis, mixed model repeated measure analysis, confirmatory factor analysis and cross-lagged panel analysis via structural equation modeling were conducted to test five competing models of PTSD symptom clusters, and to examine the mutual influences of PTSD symptom clusters and CMP outcomes. Results showed baseline pain intensity and pain disability predicted PTSD at 9 months. And baseline PTSD predicted improvement of pain disability at 9 months. Moreover, direct relationships were found between PTSD and the disability component of CMP, and indirect relationships were found between PTSD, CMP and CMP components (intensity and disability) mediated by depression, anxiety and pain catastrophizing. Finally, the coexistence of PTSD and more severe pain was associated with worse SF-36 Physical Component Summary (PCS) and Mental Component Summary (MCS) scores. Together these findings provided empirical support for the mutual maintenance theory.

Iraq is a country of great cultural significance as it is where civilization first began. As a result of its lengthy occupation, it is virtually one large archaeological site. In spite of numerous warnings to the governments of both the United States and the United Kingdom, no efforts were made to protect the Iraqi National Museum in Baghdad when the American-led coalition unlawfully invaded Iraq. Indeed, orders were given not to interfere with the looting. During the occupation that followed, the United States failed to take steps to protect Iraqi cultural property. In terms of international law, it was obliged to protect Iraq’s cultural property. The United States also chose to exacerbate its unlawful conduct by occupying archaeological sites and damaging them further by illegal construction. As a result many significant sites have been irreparably damaged or destroyed. Their conduct was the result of complete indifference to the Iraqi cultural heritage. Although their actions render them iin breach of international law, it is unlikely that the United States will ever be prosecuted for its actions. / Old Testament & Ancient Near Eastern Studies / M.A. (Ancient Near Eastern Studies)

Iraq is a country of great cultural significance as it is where civilization first began. As a result of its lengthy occupation, it is virtually one large archaeological site. In spite of numerous warnings to the governments of both the United States and the United Kingdom, no efforts were made to protect the Iraqi National Museum in Baghdad when the American-led coalition unlawfully invaded Iraq. Indeed, orders were given not to interfere with the looting. During the occupation that followed, the United States failed to take steps to protect Iraqi cultural property. In terms of international law, it was obliged to protect Iraq’s cultural property. The United States also chose to exacerbate its unlawful conduct by occupying archaeological sites and damaging them further by illegal construction. As a result many significant sites have been irreparably damaged or destroyed. Their conduct was the result of complete indifference to the Iraqi cultural heritage. Although their actions render them iin breach of international law, it is unlikely that the United States will ever be prosecuted for its actions. / Biblical and Ancient Studies / M.A. (Ancient Near Eastern Studies)

The purpose of this study was to provide a clear conceptualization of how Vietnam veterans who have previously been diagnosed with PTSD (Post Traumatic Stress Disorder) respond and cope with the emotional and psychological effects presented by the present war in Iraq.

The purpose of this study was to examine the beliefs and attitudes of United States Marines towards mental health services.

This study reports the findings of a systematic visual content analysis of 356 randomly sampled images published about the Iraq War in Time, Newsweek, and U.S. News and World Report from 2003-2009. In comparison to a 1995 Gulf War study, published images in all three newsmagazines continued to be U.S.-centric, with the highest content frequencies reflected in the categories U.S. troops on combat patrol, Iraqi civilians, and U.S. political leaders respectively. These content categories do not resemble the results of the Gulf War study in which armaments garnered the largest share of the images with 23%. This study concludes that embedding photojournalists, in addition to media economics, governance, and the media-organizational culture, restricted an accurate representation of the Iraq War and its consequences. Embedding allowed more access to both troops and civilians than the journalistic pool system of the Gulf War, which stationed the majority of journalists in Saudi Arabia and allowed only a few journalists into Iraq with the understanding they would share information. However, the perceived opportunity by journalists to more thoroughly cover the war through the policy of embedding was not realized to the extent they had hoped for. The embed protocols acted more as an indirect form of censorship.

This study examines the phenomenon of abusive violence (AV) in the context of the American Post-9/11 Counter-terrorism and Counter-insurgency campaigns. Previous research into atrocities by states and their agents has largely come from examinations of totalitarian regimes with well-developed torture and assassination institutions. The mechanisms influencing willingness to do harm have been examined in experimental studies of obedience to authority and the influences of deindividuation, dehumanization, context and system. This study used Interpretive Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) to examine the lived experience of AV reported by fourteen American military and intelligence veterans. Participants were AV observers, objectors, or abusers. Subjects described why AV appeared sensible at the time, how methods of violence were selected, and what sense they made of their experiences after the fact. Accounts revealed the roles that frustration, fear, anger and mission pressure played to prompt acts of AV that ranged from the petty to heinous. Much of the AV was tied to a shift in mission view from macro strategic aims of CT and COIN to individual and small group survival. Routine hazing punishment soldiers received involving forced exercise and stress positions made similar acts inflicted on detainees unrecognizable as abusive. Overt and implied permissiveness from military superiors enabled AV extending to torture, and extra-judicial killings. Attempting to overcome feelings of vulnerability, powerlessness and rage, subjects enacted communal punishment through indiscriminate beatings and shooting. Participants committed AV to amuse themselves and humiliate their enemies; some killed detainees to force confessions from others, conceal misdeeds, and avoid routine paperwork. Participants realized that AV practices were unnecessary, counter-productive, and self-damaging. Several reduced or halted their AV as a result. The lived experience of AV left most respondents feeling guilt, shame, and inadequacy, whether they committed abuse or failed to stop it.