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Usually we associate personal success with pleasure and happiness, rather than anything depressing or disappointing. When I received the results for my Psychology degree I questioned the meaning of my life. I wondered what I could do next after having fulfilled that goal; this is probably a common feeling for many individuals. I had put all my energies into my studies for the degree but things felt quite flat afterwards. It was not depression as such but it made me wonder why individuals felt depressed after having fulfilled their goals. I decided to undertake a Master's degree in Psychoanalytic Studies, and I focused on the issue of depression after success in adulthood for my thesis. I found that psychoanalytic theorists had researched the reasons for the occurrence of depression after success in adults. They argued that a successful event may sometimes trigger an unresolved internal conflict causing depression after the successful event. I was reluctant to accept a psychoanalytic argument as a definitive answer. I wanted to know if there were any particular social influences on the individual that could cause such depression. Around about that time, I watched an episode of the American comedy 'Fraser'. The particular episode seemed to highlight a social connection between success and depression. Fraser was portrayed as in his thirties, a psychoanalyst who gave advice on the radio for personal problems based on his psychoanalytic knowledge. In the episode he was presented with a lifetime's award for both roles; however, in the days following the presentation he suffered from depression. He was seen as reflecting on his award and repeatedly asking his father 'If I've had a lifetime's award, what do I do now?' As far as I know, the character hadn't suffered from depression before the award. His award was clearly intended as a public or social distinction for his work which might be expected to make him feel good. However, the events in the episode suggested Fraser had achieved his award ahd did not know what to do next and this seemed to cause his depression after success. The social event had led to Fraser's negative feelings about his success. I decided to study this issue from a sociological perspective for my PhD. I undertook a study of 24 women and 6 men; who were or had been depressed. The study revealed that only eight of the individuals had depression after what they perceived to be a successful event, such as after giving birth, or after losing a partner and becoming a successful single parent. However I could not conclude that the success had caused the depression because most of the individuals had suffered from depression intermittently for several years prior to the success. The individual's depression may have led them to believe that it was their success that had caused their depression. Only one individual with postnatal depression, which was presumably physically caused, said that she had suffered no previous depression before giving birth to each of her three children; however I did find feelings of disappointment after success in some of the individuals. This was an interesting finding as I had recently read Ian Craib's (1994) book The importance of disappointment. He argued that disappointment is an inevitable feature of 'all individuals' lives,' and his work suggested individuals feel disappointed whether they do, or do not, obtain success. I discarded the interview data from the depressed individuals and started a new study. I decided to interview successful individuals focusing on the role of disappointment or negative feelings after success rather than depression. To explain how, and why, individuals respond to success in the way they do, I analyse their success, failure and disappointment. Consequently the areas to be explored in the thesis are the linkages between success, failure, and disappointment. I now discuss each of these concepts in turn. Key concepts: Success is often thought of as an achievement or fulfilment of a goal. Achievement is defmed as a successful accomplishment of, or performance in, a socially defined goal (Marshall, 1994: 3), such as obtaining a highly paid professional job, or passing an exam at college. Success and achievement seem to refer to the same sequence of events, success is the achievement of a goal and achievement is successfully fulfilling a goal. The Oxford English Dictionary (OED) defined success as 'the prosperous achievement of something attempted; the attainment of an object according to one's desire: now often with particular reference to the attainment of wealth or position' (1989: 93). Success can therefore be defined as an achievement of a desired aim or goal that is usually linked to wealth, position or skill. Individuals are likely to feel successful when they save money and accumulate wealth or when they take on a business venture and accumulate profit. Success may be the obtaining of a high position within an organisation or structure, or it may be connected to work produced by an author, or artist who receives some form of reward for their work. An actor may feel successful when he or she gets a good review or becomes famous. Alternatively an athlete may feel successful and euphoric when they win a gold medal at the Olympics.

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This dissertation explores the extent to which women's everyday interaction and agency in faith-based volunteering helps in cultivating social stewardship and articulating new trajectories of self in Japanese society at large. The project is guided by the idea that social work sponsored by religious organizations provides women with a non-institutional channel through which they can become active civic actors in the social contract by locating themselves between the market and the state. The research draws upon a survey conducted in Japan between October 2009 and February 2010 on five faith-based volunteer groups: two Shinnyoen-sponsored groups; two Rissho Koseikai-sponsored groups; and one Catholic group. By making an eclectic use of social constructivist theories of identity, practice and performativity, this study examines the micro-social constitutive normative and generative aspects through which women move toward different trajectories of self. The analyses highlight that women engaged in faith-based volunteering tend to use their religious identity strategically and loosen it in a process of self and social reflexivity that fosters further social engagement. This makes their belonging to a religious group a resource for broader meaningful images of the self beyond religious ideological normative or structural regulative logics. By reporting the life-stories of women engaged in faith-based volunteering, this dissertation aims to provide examples of the kind of trajectories and empowering or disempowering practices generated in the cultural context of the Japanese faith-based volunteer group. The research demonstrates conclusively that it is not the presence (or absence) of religiosity that makes a critical difference, but how women exploit their institutional and non-institutional - the faith-based group - channels to generate or inhibit everyday practices that can serve to ameliorate their lives. The approach is especially important in view of women's larger engagement in society, thus in terms of empowerment and democratization.

This thesis investigated the effects of intergroup contact on different types of collective action tendencies among advantaged and disadvantaged groups. Studies 1 and 2 tested the simultaneous effects of intergroup contact and established predictors of collective action on collective action tendencies and ingroup and outgroup oriented policies among Blacks and Whites in South Africa, and compared the effects of intergroup contact and social identity on collective action tendencies via relative deprivation and group efficacy. The findings revealed that while social identity was positively associated with collective action tendencies, both directly and indirectly, effects of contact were negative and indirect via relative deprivation and group efficacy. Studies 3 and 4 investigated the effects of contact and social identity on collective action tendencies via perceived threats. Using data from Turkish and Kurdish groups in Turkey, I found that social identity predicted collective action tendencies positively, both directly and indirectly, while it predicted outgroup attitudes negatively and indirectly via perceived threats. Intergroup contact, on the other hand, predicted outgroup attitudes positively, both directly and indirectly, and collective action tendencies negatively via perceived threats. In Study 5, intergroup contact was positively associated, both directly and indirectly, via perspective taking and collective guilt, associated with outgroup oriented collective action tendencies. In Study 6, the effect of social identity on ingroup oriented collective action was positive and direct. Intergroup contact with the weaker minority group, on the other hand, was positively associated with outgroup oriented collective action tendencies via perspective taking. Additionally, intergroup contact with the majority outgroup moderated this relationship. When participants reported more contact with the majority group, intergroup contact with the weaker minority was not associated with outgroup oriented collective action tendencies. However, when the participants reported less contact with the majority group, intergroup contact positively predicted outgroup oriented collective action tendencies. Finally, Study 7 investigated the effects of two different dimensions of contact, contact with the majority and minority on collective action, via outgroup attitudes, dual-identification, and common ingroup identity in a three wave longitudinal design (N=610) among Turkish Cypriots in northern Cyprus. While the results did not support findings from the previous studies on the so-called paradoxical effects of contact on collective action tendencies, they revealed a robust negative reciprocal relationship between outgroup attitudes toward Greek Cypriots and collective action tendencies.

La thèse propose trois questions critiques du rôle politique et de mouvement des associations. Premièrement le fonctionnement associatif : mobiliser l’engagement (des salariés, des usagers et leurs proches, des bénévoles) en sortant d’une forme d’impensé suppose de réarticuler une conception alternative en sciences de gestion (pour avoir prise sur le managérialisme) et les apports de la sociologie des associations. Deuxièmement la culture politique : la capacité à contribuer à la reconstruction de références collectives et de médiations instituées, à promouvoir une culture alternative au référentiel économiste et marchand dominant, suppose d’analyser et de concevoir, de se situer dans l’histoire longue des idées, de revisiter le socle humaniste. Troisièmement l’action collective au niveau méso : pour peser dans les mécanismes institutionnels et à avoir prise sur la réalité, la remobilisation des travaux sur l’action collective et les mouvements sociaux, avec leur extension récente aux liens avec l’économie solidaire, est essentielle. / The research opens to three central criteria for an effective role on policy and social movement. The first one covers the operating mechanisms, which are deeply influenced by the managerial trend: it seems determinant to link an alternative design in management science and researches about sociology of associations (with, for instance, the ideal type of a « solidary enterprise »). The second one has to do with political culture as a kind of nodus, from which a possible role oncommon sense (about society, public policies, economy and market, actors capabilities, citizenship), and a possible process rebuilding collective references and positive experience of a link to institutions, seem to depend. Such a perspective requires to refer to a long-term history of ideas, which is necessary to study how the humanist foundations of occidental democracies are questioned. The third one covers collective mobilization at the meso level, as documented by the researches about collective mobilizations and social movements, including the recent researches about social movements and solidary economy.

Les leçons tirées des accidents passés soulignent que les limites en matière de gestion de crise se caractérisent principalement par des dysfonctionnements collectits (organisationnels, comportementaux et cognitifs), l'absence et/ou la formation inadaptée des acteurs. En effet, les exercices de formation ont actuellement des limites telle que l'évaluation : cette dernière se concentre sur les compétences techniques du groupe, et non pas sur les compétences non techniques mobilisées, tandis qu'elle n'est pas effectuée en temps réel. La restitution des résultats lors du débriefing est également incomplète. Le présent travail vise donc à présenter la méthode EVADE afin d'évaluer les stagiaires au cours d'une formation de gestion de crise et de leur restituer les résultats obtenus. Cette méthode nécessite la création en amont d'une typologie des objectifs pédagogiques à intégrer dans la formation et l'identification des compétences techniques et non techniques d'une cellule de crise. L'approche est basée sur l'utilisation des marqueurs comportementaux utilisés pour identifier les compétences mobilisées d'un groupe pendant l'exercice. L'outil d'évaluation est présenté a été construit et testé avec différents publics de stagiaires dans des exercices de gestion de crise. Divers exemples de résultats de restitution sont ensuite proposés afin d'alimenter le débriefing. / Lessons learnt from past accidents emphasize that major crisis management’s limitations are mainly characterised by collective failures (organizational, behavioural and cognitive), absence and/or maladaptive training of actors. Indeed, the training exercises have limitations such as the assessment: it focuses on the technical skills of the group, not on non-technical skills mobilized, and it is not conducted in real time. The presentation of the results during the debriefing is also incomplete. The present work aims to present the EVADE method to assess trainees during crisis management training and feedback them. This method required the upstream creation of a typology of training objectives to be integrated into training and the identification of technical and non-technical skills of a crisis cell. The approach is based on behavioural markers which are used to identify mobilized skills of a group during exercise. The assessment tool is presented, through its construction and its functioning, and it is tested with trainees in crisis management exercises. Various examples of the results of restitution are then proposed for the debriefing.

Si les partis politiques sont des institutions bien souvent qualifiées aujourd'hui de « traditionnelles » et donc de « dépassées », elles continuent malgré tout à participer au vivre-ensemble et sont, aujourd'hui encore, les principales institutions qui concourent aux élections locales et nationales, leur objectif principal étant la conquête et l'exercice du pouvoir à différents échelons. Malgré la défiance que ces institutions provoquent, notamment chez les adolescents et jeunes adultes, certains d'entre eux continuent à s'engager et à militer, parfois avec intensité, dans les organisations de jeunesse des partis politiques. Notre thèse vise ainsi à mettre en lumière les enjeux psychiques de l'engagement dans un parti politique et du militantisme à l'adolescence et au début de l'âge adulte. Pour tenter de rendre compte de ces enjeux, deux questionnements ont guidé notre investigation. Premièrement : quelles sont les modalités du fonctionnement psychique d'adolescents et de jeunes adultes qui militent aujourd'hui en France dans un parti politique et quelles seraient les éventuelles caractéristiques psychiques communes à cette population ? Deuxièmement : quels serait le rôle et l'effet de l'engagement et du militantisme dans un parti politique vis-à-vis des processus psychiques mobilisés à l'adolescence et au début de l'âge adulte chez ces sujets ? Trente-six jeunes militants, âgés de 18 à 26 ans, ont ainsi accepté sur la période allant de janvier 2015 à juin 2016, de participer à cette étude. Les organisations politiques auxquelles ces jeunes militants ont adhéré représentent l'échiquier politique dans son entier, de l'extrême gauche à l'extrême droite. Pour tenter de répondre aux questions soulevées, une méthodologie composée à la fois d'entretiens individuels semi-directifs et de tests projectifs (Rorschach et TAT) a été mise en place. Alors que les tests projectifs permettent d'appréhender avec finesse les caractéristiques du fonctionnement psychique individuel des jeunes militants, les entretiens individuels apportent des indications précieuses sur leur histoire singulière et leur parcours militant. Les résultats montrent tout d'abord une hétérogénéité des ressources et des fragilités psychiques selon les militants, ce qui nous conduit à penser qu'il n'existe pas de profil(s) psychologique(s) spécifique(s) chez ces sujets. Cependant, nous retrouvons tout de même des caractéristiques communes chez des militants appartenant au Front National, ce qui nous a permis de faire l'hypothèse qu'il existe une résonance entre ces caractéristiques psychiques et les idées et idéaux prônés par ce parti politique. La question reste de savoir pourquoi nous ne retrouvons pas le même phénomène dans les autres partis politiques et chez les militants qui s'y engagent ; une piste de réflexion est proposée dans la thèse à ce propos. De plus, à l'issue de ce travail, nous pouvons dire que le parti politique peut constituer un support plus ou moins efficace pour aménager les conflits psychiques propres à l'adolescence et au devenir adulte. L'efficacité de ce support dépend-elle alors exclusivement des ressources et des fragilités psychiques qui préexistent chez les jeunes militants ? Il semblerait que non. Cette recherche nous a en effet appris que le cadre de l'organisation politique est loin d'être contingent par rapport au fonctionnement psychique individuel des militants. Il est ainsi important de tenir compte à la fois du fonctionnement psychique tel qu'il s'est construit dans l'histoire individuelle des militants et des contraintes organisationnelles auxquelles il se confrontent, pour évaluer dans quelle mesure cet engagement a un effet mutatif ou non, d'un point de vue psychique. / If political parties are often referred as "traditional" and therefore "outdated" institutions, they continue anyhow to participate in "living together" and are still the main institutions that compete in local and national elections. Their main target is the conquest and the exercise of power at all steps. Despite the mistrust in these institutions, especially among adolescents and young adults, some of them are still engaging and militating, sometimes intensely, in the party-political youth organizations of political parties. Our thesis aims to highlight psychic issues of the adolescents and young adults' involvement in political parties. In an attempt to take those stakes into account, two questions guided our research. Firstly, In France today, what are the psychic functioning modalities of adolescents and young adults who militate in a political party, what are their eventual common psychic characteristics? Secondly, regarding the psychic processes mobilized in adolescence and early adulthood for these subjects, what would be the function and effect of the engagement and militancy in a political party? Between January 2015 and June 2016, thirty-six young activists, aged between 18 and 26, agreed to participate in the research. Political organizations in which these young activists committed themselves represent the entire political spectrum, from the extreme left to the far right. In order to address the questions raised a methodology including both individual semi-structured interviews and projective tests (Rorschach and TAT) has been set up. While the projective tests enable us to apprehend shrewdly the characteristics of the young militants individual psychic functioning, individual interviews provide valuable insights of their personal story and their militant journey. First of all, the results show the heterogeneity of the psychic resources and fragilities according each militant, which leads us to believe that there is no specific psychological profile for this population. However, we find common characteristics among National Front activist, which conduct us to make the hypothesis of a resonance between these psychic characteristics and this political party's advocated ideas and ideals. A question remains: why don't we find the same phenomenon amongst the other political parties and related activists; in that regard, a reflection path is proposed in this thesis. Moreover, the findings of this study, allow us to state that a political party can provide a more or less effective support for the management of the psychic conflicts peculiar to the adolescence and to the adulthood. Does the effectiveness of this support exclusively depend the resources and psychic weaknesses preexisting in young activists? It would seem not. This research shows that the framework of political organization is far from contingent to the activists' individual psychic functioning. Thus, it is important to consider both the psychic functioning has been built through the individual history of the militants, and the organizational constraints they confront, in order to evaluate, from a psychic point of view, the extent to which this commitment has a mutative effect.

L'objet de cette recherche est de définir les affects qui passent dans les groupes et leur transmission. Ce travail a pour objectif d'éclairer la façon dont des affects traversent le groupe et franchissent, pénètrent et parfois imprègnent la psyché des membres du groupe. Les affects désorganisent la capacité de penser, et circulent par les liens archaïques des identifications affectives, sans représentations et grâce à la capacité de co-éprouver des autres membres du groupe. Le groupe permet de reconnaître et traiter des souffrances très primitives et des conflictualités archaïques à la limite du corporel et du groupal. L'étude débute par une recherche du même et du semblable autour de la terminologie : affect, émotion, sentiment, sensation... L'affect est contagieux. La problématique interroge la contagiosité des affects dans les dispositifs groupaux. Par contagiosité des affects, nous entendons le processus de transmission intersubjective qui permet au sujet, par le groupe, d'être perméable à l'affect, de l'assimiler psychiquement, et d'effectuer un travail de transformation. La psyché primaire qui préexiste à l'ancrage corporel est le lieu où se situe le lien inconscient commun le plus profond des membres du groupe. Les souffrances auraient des effets de contamination, au niveau de cette psyché primaire, pour les personnes mais aussi les groupes. Par contamination, nous entendons un processus dans lequel l'affect fait effraction dans la psyché du sujet et où la confusion sujet-autre, s'apparente à une transmission transpsychique. Notre hypothèse postule que la contagiosité des affects serait un levier pour l'élaboration des souffrances primitives et favoriserait les processus associatifs dans le groupe alors que la contamination de la psyché par les fantasmes agressifs persécuteurs qui circulent dans le groupe entretiendrait la résistance. Dans un groupe de psychodrame d'adolescentes souffrant de troubles du comportement alimentaire, les passages et transmissions sont observés au travers d'un travail de lien, des mouvements du cadre et de la contenance groupale. / The purpose of this research is to define the emotions that pass through groups and the transmission of those affects. This work tries to show the way affects cross over groups and sometimes permeate the psyche of the group. The affects disrupt the ability to think and pass by archaic links of affective identifications, without representations and due to the ability to co-experience of other group members. The group allows to recognize and to treat primitive pains and archaic conflictualities between corporal and groupal. The study begins with a search around terminology : affect, emotion, feeling, sensation ... The affect is contagious. The question is the contagiousness of affects in groupal devices. By contagiousness affects, we mean the intersubjective transmission process that allows the subject, in the group, to be permeable to affect, to assimilate it psychically, and to transform it. The primary psyche that pre-exists the body feeling is the place of the deepest unconscious and common link of the group. The suffering could have the effect of contamination at this primary psyche, but also for groups. By contamination, we mean a process in which the affect is breaking into the psyche of the subject and where the subject-other confusion, is like a transpsychic transmission. Our hypothesis is that the contagiousness of the affects would be a way for the elaboration of primitive sufferings and for associative processes in groups whereas contamination of the psyche by the persecutors aggressive fantasies that circulate in groups would maintain the resistance. In a group of teenage psychodrama suffering from eating disorders, ways and transmissions are observed through a working link, movement of the frame and groupal capacity.