No description available.

In this dissertation, two local political parties are considered; these are, the Labour parties and Conservative Associations in two neighbouring constituencies of a Scottish city. We have called the two constituencies, Twilight and Expansion, and as their names suggest, they were selected on the basis of contrasting social and political characteristics. The dissertation looks at what goes on within local parties and three factors are seen to be related to this: firstly, the quantity and quality of available resources; secondly. the efforts made by the parties to Mobilise these resources; and thirdly, the use to which the parties put those resources which are recruited. These three factors are seen to be influenced by two others: firstly, structural conditions in the environment, that is, its cleavages and divisions, and the particular social characteristics of the constituency in which the party operates; and secondly, the network of relationships linking party members to people in situations outside the local party, the particular features which concern ua being a) the extensiveness of these links, b) the expectations surrounding these rolerclationships and c) the types of groups and quasi-groups Involved in the network. Chapter one places the study in the context of research in political sociology, and then considers in detail the methods of approach and data-collecting techniques used. It is emphasised that the approach is fundamentally comparative and that direct observation and detailed interviewing were the principal methods used to collect the data. The methodological orientation is considered in the final section of "this chapter, the two principal features being a) the use of the * action-approach * and b) an emphasis on the importance of understanding the relationship between a unit and its environment when explaining its activity. The main concepts and terms used in the analysis are defined. Chapter two looks at the environment of the four parties, describing the socio-economic and political background and. presenting an analysis of the crucial structural features discerned by the observer and the manifest patterns of activity seen in the local political arena. In chapter three, we turn in more detail to the local parties themsolves, to see to what extent the environmental features out¬ lined in chapter two affect patterns of party activity. The characteristics of party members are analysed and comparisons made between Labour and Conservative, general and active members, and those in the two contrasting constituencies. It is shown that structural divisions within the city ani constituencies are reflected in the characteristics of party members. The chapter is introduced by a statement of the hypotheses guiding the research, which derived from a consideration of the relevant literature. The social character¬ istics of party members are compared j differences ait's observed in patterns of recruitment of Conservative and Labour members, and of general and aetive members, which point to differences in the kind of commitment shown by members to the party and to differences in the way party activity is connected with activity in other areas of social life. Differences between Labour and Conservative activists in their perceptions of society and politics are described. Statistical measures of patterns of activity within the four parties are presented, which point to differences in the range and character of the activity of party members. This leads on to chapter four, which looks in detail at what goes on within the four parties, considering the nature and exstent of the resources available to them and the uses to which these are put. A system-effectiveness model of a local political party is presented initially and the four parties are considered in the light of itj it is concluded that only one of these parties can be said to be effective when compared with the model and the principal explanation for this rests with differences between the parties in the recruitment of resources. It is seen that the parties mobilise their resources In different ways, which can be explained partly by reference to the constraints placed on the® by their constitution and partly by reference to the nature of the expectations surrounding the role of party member. The findings of the three main chapters are related, to each other in the conclusion. The nature of participation in local political parties is considered, to see to what extent party members can be said to * represent* elements within the social structure of their locality or of the wider social system. The concept of 1 representa¬ tiveness* is discussed and the activity of local parties viewed in th© light of this* Labour and Conservative parties differ firstly in th© type of groups and quasi-groupg with which they are connected, and secondly in the nature of this link; this affects the way in which they may be said to represent these groups. Fundamentally, however, it is stressed that the effectiveness of the parties in representing any interest depends on the quantity and quality of the resources recruited, which depends in turn on features of the constituency in which they are located and the priority given to the recruitment of means. Thus it is important to consider the way in which resources are mobilised, and this relates to the degree of co: mitiaent exhibited by a member to the party. We conclude by relating these factors to the structure of relationships within the party, the persistence and continuity of factions over time and the techniques used by the parties to arrive at decisions. In the appendix, background information relevant to the study is provided, with tables derived from analysis of the interviews. Other information on the methods used in the study are presented there.

Kyoto University (京都大学) / 0048 / 新制・課程博士 / 法学博士 / 甲第1680号 / 法博第4号 / 新制||法||27 / 4385 / UT51-51-B1 / 京都大学大学院法学研究科政治学専攻 / (主査)教授 勝田 吉太郎, 教授 野口 名隆, 教授 福島 徳寿郎 / 学位規則第5条第1項該当

Kyoto University (京都大学) / 0048 / 新制・論文博士 / 法学博士 / 乙第2925号 / 論法博第37号 / 新制||法||27 / 4386 / UT51-51-B14 / (主査)教授 高坂 正堯, 教授 野口 名隆, 教授 福島 徳寿郎 / 学位規則第5条第2項該当

Kyoto University (京都大学) / 0048 / 新制・論文博士 / 法学博士 / 乙第2971号 / 論法博第38号 / 新制||法||28 / 4387 / UT51-61-I203 / (主査)教授 林 良平, 教授 上山 安敏, 教授 北川 善太郎 / 学位規則第5条第2項該当

No description available.

No description available.

No description available.

This thesis presents an alternative conceptual framework with which to examine the emergence and evolution of Hizbullah in Lebanon. The proliferation of Islamist movements in the Middle East has stimulated scholarly inquiry that seeks to identify and explain episodes of collective action in Muslim societies. Addressing the phenomenon of mobilisation from the respective perspectives of Islamic studies, Area studies or social movement theory (SMT), pre-existing literature remains predominantly characterised by intra-disciplinary dualisms and limited inter-disciplinary engagement. In this context, not only is there a deficiency of consistency concerning the relative influence of agency/structure and culture/ideology in collective action, but Hizbullah, arguably the most effective manifestation of movement mobilisation in the Middle East, is also conceptually under-explored. This research aims to transform these prevailing dichotomies into permanent dialectics by adopting the epistemological and methodological insights developed in Pierre Bourdieu’s ‘Theory of Practice’ as conceptual interlocutors to problematise conventional assumptions in traditional Islamic studies and SMT, to propose a revised Bourdieu-SMT approach for illustrating collective action and to prioritise the application of this holistic lens for assessing the multi-faceted dimensions of Hizbullah’s advancement in Lebanon. Equipped with these analytical tools, this thesis intends to initiate and contribute to an inter-disciplinary discussion on collective action by arguing that a Bourdieu-SMT conceptualisation can assist in explaining the mutually constituted process by which Hizbullah strategically inculcates dispositions and perceptions amongst agents within the parameters of specific fields in Lebanon while concurrently propagating cohesive discourses and practices with the objective of managing the harmonisation of its relational positions across fields that are inherently constituted by differentiated logics. Embedded within a system that internally mitigates against the exclusive exercise of symbolic power, Hizbullah is entrenched in a tautological struggle for opportunities that enable it to balance and enhance the legitimate status of the Islamic Resistance in Lebanon.

Since the United Nations Security Council adopted UNSCR 1325 on Women, Peace and Security in October 2000, there have been debates about how to achieve "gender security". This thesis explores competing modes of constructions about "gender security" within feminist and women's NGOs in Serbia, highlighting the ways that personal-political imaginations of Serbia's conflict and post-conflict pasts, presents and futures affect the logics of "gender security". Part one explores the configurations of "gender security" amongst feminist and women's NGOs in Serbia. Post-structural discourse analysis strategies are deployed to investigate the personal-political imaginations of conflict and post-conflict constituting how feminism and security is thought about. Utilising field research conducted in Serbia during 2008 and 2009, the discursive construction of competing modes of thought about gender and/or security amongst activists is revealed, highlighting that the way that conflict and post-conflict is thought about profoundly affects these modes of thought. Part two is an in-depth examination of the performance of UNseR 1325 within two case studies. UNSCR 1325 is taken to be the site of discursive contact between gender and security, and is productive of the articulation and representation of gender security policies and agendas. The first case study centres upon the feminist-pacifist debate, focussing upon Women in Black. UNSCR 1325 is utilised as a political tool to support the advocacy work of Women in Black. In contrast, the second case study explores ways specific discourses of gender security has stimulated political action. An investigation of the broader domestic violence debate in Serbia makes clear how international gender security discourses triggered an increasing concern about small arms and light weapons (SALW) abuse within domestic violence. Subsequently, activists have pushed SALW concerns higher up the domestic violence agenda in Serbia. The variations in how UNSCR 1325 is utilised is a consequence of the particular configuration of gender security, arising from personal-political imaginations of conflict and post-conflict amongst activists.