This is a critical evaluation of the politics of Uganda and Kenya from 1960 to 1990. It reviews the political developments of the two countries from a statist perspective and focuses mainly on the personal power relations among the leading politicians. The aim is to account for the dynamics and effects of factional politics in political change and on state stability. The concept of clientelism is used to provide the theoretical framework. The study sees factionalism as a process, with clientelism and spoils politics as variables, and suggests that although factional politics inevitably leads to spoils politics and instability if left uncontrolled, it can also be utilised into clientelism under certain circumstances and this can provide the basis of state stability. This proposition is then used to account for the major political changes in each country as well as for their dramatically different political experiences. In particular it argues that Kenyatta's effective regulation of personal power relations led to the institutionalisation of clientelism which in turn ensured a measure of stability, and that it was Obote's inability to control competition and regulate personal power relations among his ministers which led to chaos in Uganda through spoils politics.

Foreign policy formulation and implementation is, for the most part, associated within the parameters of an executive centred examination. Moreover, foreign policy when it deals with a political party, is nearly always explored within the confines of a party in government. There are, however, circumstances that challenge both of these premises. The German political system allows for a substantial influence of political parties in foreign affairs as well as the leverage of opposition parties in influencing foreign policy of the government. Given the particular character of the German political system, political parties there have been able to influence foreign policy much more than those of other Western European nation-states. This thesis examines the influence of the Social Democratic Party of West Germany (SPD) on foreign policy and the party's attempt to practice foreign policy while in opposition. During the mid-1980s, the West German Social Democratic Party conducted negotiations and produced three joint proposals with the East German Socialist Unity Part (SED). This thesis specifically examines these three joint proposals, known as the "Common Dialogue," produced by the two parties from the years 1984 to 1987. The first two SPD-SED proposals relate to security affairs and attempt to create a chemical and a nuclear weapons free zone in Central Europe. The third proposal formulated a set of ideological norms in order to establish a political "culture of dispute" in which opposing Eastern and Western viewpoints could be argued without the threat of conflict. The SPD's intention was to put pressure on its own government as well to pressure the military blocs with the aim of replacing the established practice of deterrence with the new concept of "common security".

Using as case studies three GCC commodity-based sovereign wealth funds – Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and the UAE – and the SWFs of Iran and Norway for comparison, this study examines and analyses their history, governance and structure, and investment strategies, in the context of on-going debates about their transparency. Most Gulf CSWFs, were established under colonial rule. Now owned by the region’s Arab states they have operated in the global financial system since the 1960s. Since the 1970s and the enormous inflow of oil revenues, the funds have broadened their asset classes and their institutional development. Iran’s SWF, one of the youngest funds in the Gulf, differs from its Arab neighbours in terms of structure and operation, and is less active internationally. Characterised by lack of transparency and corruption, Iran’s sovereign wealth investments and management also lag behind those of its neighbours. Debate over the transparency of SWFs has highlighted various global practices. Norway’s SWF is reputedly the most transparent in the world; its CSWF provides an operational and structural comparison for the Gulf cases. Recently, organisational measures have been introduced for calculating possible risks from non-commercial investment incentives of SWFs, whose politically-driven investment strategies are viewed as potentially a major threat to the national security of their host countries. An international working group of 25 countries that sponsor sovereign wealth funds, plus the IMF, has introduced a set of principles and practices for SWF operation, in order to minimise their possible risk of impacting negatively on global financial and political stability. Most western governments are also introducing regulatory codes to identify threats and protect their own strategic economic sectors from certain SWF investments. This study reviews certain incidents that triggered the transparency debate, and scrutinises the reaction of some of the Gulf CSWFs to these recent regulatory codes and_strategies.

Walter Elliot was one of the most gifted Conservative politicians of the generation which was decimated by the First World War. Trained as a doctor in his native Scotland, Elliot was inspired to a political career by his experience in the trenches. Entering parliament as Coalition Unionist M.P. for Lanark, he established himself on the radical wing of the Conservative Party. Elliot's ability was quickly recognised. He was given junior office in January 1923. Defeated in December 1923, he was returned at a by-election in May 1924 as M.P. for Glasgow Kelvingrove and was again given junior office in the Baldwin Government of 1924-1929. In August 1931, he was appointed Financial Secretary in the National Government, entering the Cabinet as Minister of Agriculture a year later. In 1936, he became Scottish Secretary then Minister of Health in 1938. He returned to the backbenches in May 1940 with the fall of Chamberlain and never again held Ministerial office but remained an M.P. until he died in 1958. Elliot was in his day one of the best known and popular politicians and public figures. Tipped by many as a future Prime Minister, he was known as a Tory philosopher and intellectual as well as a man of considerable wit. In any study of twentieth century progressive Conservatism, he must feature prominently. He sought to shake off conventional restraints and strove for more state intervention for the betterment of social and economic life. His experience of Clydeside combined with his innate humanitarianism enabled him to understand the emotions behind socialism. His years at the Ministry of Agriculture represent the zenith of a full but in the last analysis an unfulfilled political career. Elliot transformed British Agriculture from a highly individualistic, fluctuating industry into one of order and security through the vehicle of producer controlled marketing boards. Elliot's contribution as Minister of Agriculture and in more general terms as a member of the National Cabinet in the early 1930's is the main consideration of this thesis for it was those years that marked the highpoint of a long political career. 1936 marked the end of his term at the Ministry of Agriculture. It was too the year of the Rhineland occupation and Elliot's failure to resign then or later over the appeasement policies of the Cabinet in all probability cost him his political future. Unfamiliar to the author's post-war generation, Elliot is remembered by their elders as one of the best loved and able politicians of his time- The Conservative Party and the country as a whole but especially his native Scotland were the richer for his existence.

No description available.

This research attempts to provide an analysis of the Labour Party's transformation between 1987 and 1997 that emphasises the role of ideas in this change. Founded on the notion that ideas are expressed through political concepts, the study takes concepts as its central analytical unit to illustrate the importance of ideas in change. It draws on theories of conceptual change to suggest that political transformation is always accompanied by conceptual transformation, which in tum offers an attendant role for ideas in such cases of change. The study seeks to document the Labour Party's application of important political concepts during the period, such as opportunity, justice, community, responsibility and globalisation. These concepts were applied by the Party in addressing fundamental issues within its political approach, such as the distribution of resources in society, the inter-relationship between its members, and the changing context within which such responses must be framed. It is suggested that the changing application of the concepts in addressing such elements of Labour's broader approach - as evident in official Party documents, and the articles and speeches of its leading members represented an important ideational element informing its changing trajectory during the decade in question. As such, the research frames a narrative of Labour's development that highlights an evolution of ideas in the Party's attempt to adapt its approach to an ever-changing context. The contention is that such an evolution was significant in accompanying the Party's altered approach throughout the period, and that this ideational element is often overlooked, underplayed or misrepresented by the existing literature in accounting for this transformation. It is suggested that only by understanding this consistent significance of ideas can a complete account of the changing Labour Party be framed.

The key challenge humanitarian intervention is facing when protecting a universal human rights, is that it allows the intervener that defines its interest in terms of the ethical end, that is, universal human rights, to transcend the political – defined in terms of actors with different socio-political aims – that is, to depoliticise its actions. This act of depoliticisation in humanitarian intervention allows the intervener to ignore the role of power in politics – that is, to mutually adjust and settle the different socio-political aims – and thus not to be enquired about the restraint necessary in the pursuit of its own socio-political aims against other states. The main question of the thesis is: can the act of depoliticisation in humanitarian intervention protect universal human rights in the post-Cold War era? To answer this question, this thesis uses the humanitarian interventions in Kosovo in 1999 and Libya in 2011 as examples, and argues that when the act of depoliticisation in post- Cold War humanitarian intervention attempts to transcend the political, it presents the interests of the intervening actors in a manner that blurs the distinction between what they accept as universal human rights in theory and their practice of humanitarian intervention that presents their own socio-political aims, namely, to advance one mode of the pursuit of human rights that entails their decision to support one ally in the target state, and to confine universal human rights to their rights, while denying it to the alienated party. Having blurred this distinction, when depoliticisation in the theory and practice of post-Cold War humanitarian intervention ignores the role of power in politics, in practice, it justifies the status quo of the exclusionary force that imposes one mode of pursuit of human rights in the target state, based on the socio-political aims of the intervener. It, thus, presents a paradox that undermines the role of humanitarian intervention to protect universal human rights in the post-Cold War era, as states, with their clashing socio-political aims, use force to protect the human rights of their allies rather than universal human rights.

This study addresses how European Union (EU) level and domestic level actors strive to harmonise migration statistics. Comparable migration statistics are essential for EU policy-makers and academics for informed policy formulation and policy evaluation. Yet the components of these statistics vary between the EU member states and hamper their comparison. While the statistical possibilities to enhance the comparability of migration statistics are well-covered in the literature, few studies look into the statistics producers themselves, or ask which factors further the harmonisation of migration statistics. With migration policy rising on the EU’s agenda, also related statistics gain in importance. Statistics producers inform governments as well as supranational institutions, and are therefore essential for democratic and transparent policy-making. It is vital, therefore, to analyse those who collect the data, how they produce statistics, and how they harmonise them across countries. This study employs a most different case research design and focuses on two distinct national statistical systems in their cooperation with EU stakeholders in the case of migration statistics harmonisation. Comparing the United Kingdom with the Netherlands, this thesis finds that there was most domestic adaptation and policy convergence in view of migration statistics definitions, and less adaptation regarding the policy instruments as well as policy goals. This thesis argues that in addition to supranational explanatory factors such as a high obligatory potential, high domestic administrative capacity as well as national non-opposition to and knowledge of rules drive migration statistics harmonisation.

No description available.

This PhD uses a series of large experimental studies to examine if, and when, framing climate policy in terms of its non-climate benefits can lead to greater levels of public support, compared to the use of climate change frames. The findings within this thesis provide a number of key original contributions to knowledge. First, it is demonstrated that framing climate policy around its non-climate benefits can significantly enhance levels of public policy support. For example, Chapter 3 found that participants exposed to public health prioritising framing conditions of policies to reduce car use had significantly higher levels of support compared to participants that were exposed to climate change prioritising frames. Chapter 3 also tested whether climate change sceptics are likely to have higher levels of support for climate policies when non-climate frames are used (as opposed to climate change frames) but its results were inconclusive. It is unfounded to assume that non-climate frames will always lead to greater support for climate policy compared to the use of climate change frames. Indeed, a second key original contribution of the research in this thesis is the identification of factors that can determine the ability of non-climate frames to generate public support for climate policy. As one example, Chapter 4 demonstrates that frame relevance is one key factor that can define the relative ‘effectiveness’ of non-climate and climate change frames. Chapter 5 did not find evidence that non-climate frames can increase support for climate policy by shaping participant’s perceptions of personal benefit that they believe they will get from a policy. Instead some non-climate frames will likely offer the opportunity to increase support for climate policy in ways that are more subtle, such as by influencing public perceptions of distributive justice, as shown in Chapter 6. Overall, this thesis demonstrates both the opportunities, but also threats, associated with the use of non-climate frames when communicating climate policy. Based on these findings, there is now a clear need for researchers to progress beyond looking at whether non-climate frames can be effective in stimulating support for decarbonisation action, to instead take a deeper look at when and why these frames will be effective.