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As a result of a combination of concerns related to the climate change issue, energy security, and the inevitable depletion of fossil fuels, the energy system of the world economy is, indeed, at the early stage of a gradual and sustained energy transition. The future of the energy system of the GCC economies will strongly depend on this world tendency, as they are one of the main producers and providers of hydrocarbons to the world economy, and their economies rely almost entirely on the hydrocarbons on two aspects: first of all, as a source of revenue and therefore a core element of their political economy and secondly, hydrocarbons constitute the only energy source fuelling the economic engine of the GCC countries. Moreover, the economies of the Gulf are under an increased pressure to diversify their energy mix for the following reasons: they have one of the largest carbon footprint per capita in the world, and the ever-increasing domestic consumption of electricity is putting an increasing pressure on the available reserves of hydrocarbons to the export market. Grounded on this new international energy environment and the challenges facing the GCC countries to diversify their energy sources in the long-term, it is proposed through this study to explore through scenarios the possible transition pathway for engaging the GCC economies into an energy transition in their power generation sector up to 2050 and how this objective could be shaped within the context of a hydrocarbon-rich rentier economic system. The scenario methodology will be used within the concept of energy transitions and the multi-level perspective (MLP) framework of analysis, which will allow for a systemic analysis of the energy system of the GCC countries and for identifying the forces that will be at work for potential future energy transitions.

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This thesis asks whether foundational principles exist, from which meaningful and just cross-cultural dialogue can take place to establish international principles of conduct, interactions and law. It claims that this will offer a possible and viable response to the concerns surrounding the homogenising nature of universalism, and the often imperialist justifications underlying it in cases of international principle formation and application. This is achieved by postulating Kantian notions of internal self-law giving and external willkür as potential foundational principles. It then seeks to question the validity of these claims through an examination of African political theory. The purpose of this is to look at African political theory for ideas equal to, or similar in foundation to, notions of internal and external self-law giving. The aim is to establish an analytical framework through which the principles of internal and external self-law giving can be operationalised for usage in the textual analysis; defining the analytical framework as including the concepts of freedom of choice versus domination, equality of individuals and self-mastery as representing the overarching principles of internal and external self-law giving. Following on from this Chapter 2 locates the thesis within the wider literature through a discussion of culture, universalism and relativism in both the Western liberal and African traditions. It establishes the role of this thesis in arguing that these foundations can form the basis for open and just cross-cultural dialogue. Finally the main body of the work focuses on a selection of schools of African political thought, or collection of thinkers, which have been grouped together based on similarities in their views or the individual's claimed membership to a particular ideology or system of thought. Within the work of each group of thinkers the thesis seeks to locate the principles of internal and external self-law giving. This thesis contributes to the ever growing literature surrounding the topic of comparative political theory. It supports a model of weak universalism premised on the understanding of foundational principles that can be approached and responded to in culturally specific ways: whilst also respecting individual autonomy and personhood. In concluding it is suggested that an argument can be made for the necessity for open, honest and fair cross-cultural dialogue that is justified by, and respectful of, these principles as existing at the centre of political discourse in both the Kantian model and the selection of African political theory examined by this project. It can therefore be argued that this thesis establishes an evidence base for the potential a priori nature of the principles of internal self-law giving and external willkür: understood as freedom of choice, self-mastery and equality of individuals. This thesis thus makes the recommendation that these principles should be recognised and respected as foundations of, and central to, just and fair cross-cultural dialogue.

The aim of the thesis is to investigate how service in the European Parliament (EP) between 2004 and 2009 influenced the attitudes, identities and behaviour of the Polish members of the chamber. The study of the Polish contingent is carried out with a view to contributing to discussions of the phenomenon usually referred to as the "socialisation" of Members of the European Parliament (MEPs). For the purposes of the present analysis, three aspects of socialisation are differentiated: institutional learning (MEPs learning to participate effectively in the work of the chamber), adaptation to the institutional culture of the EP (MEPs discovering the norms and codes of conduct characteristic for the EP) and attitude change (evolution of political views as a result of contacts with other MEPs).

This thesis focuses on the political behaviour of 1948 Palestinians (commonly known as Israeli-Arabs); trying to understand its nature, and explain the contributing factors and dynamics of such behaviour. This is done through the analysis of two specific case studies, 1976 Land Day and Habbat October 2000, chosen from the modern history of 1948 Palestinians. The two case studies, which represent examples of outstanding 1948 Palestinian political mobilization against Israeli injustices, are analysed using three theoretical social movement approaches; political opportunity structure, resource mobilization, and frame analysis. A comparison, then, is drawn between the two case studies to locate the patterns and similarities. This thesis argues that the dynamics of mobilization particularly involving a set of variables, mainly the existence of strong grievances and the positive framing of resources and political opportunities, are most useful in explaining social movement. Furthermore, the analysis of the case studies in this thesis illustrates how the change in the way grievances are perceived and acted upon, on top of a gradual change in perceptions of what is possible (especially in the years leading up to the 1976 Land Day and Habbat October, but also throughout the events) have influenced the particular way a cycle of protest is played out. The thesis aims to increase the insight into the dynamics and nature of the political behaviour of 1948 Palestinians and enable a better understanding of future developments. In addition, it aspires to contribute to the general understanding and applicability of social movement theory, while hoping to develop some of its components.

This PhD research explores the normative boundaries and subversive potential of gender mainstreaming initiatives as feminism in the post-tsunami context of Aceh. It arises from a recent call in the post-tsunami gender and disaster literature to shift from ‘gender and disasters’ to ‘feminisms and disasters’. I argue that in order to make that shift, a closer look at the normative assumptions about what constitutes feminism is required. This thesis offers a critical analysis of gender mainstreaming initiatives drawing on Judith Butler’s post-structuralist critique of a woman as the naturalised focus of feminism and her alternative conceptualisation of feminism as subversion. In the thesis I re-read Judith Butler’s work alongside post-colonial and queer feminist literature. The analysis of normativity of gender mainstreaming in Aceh is developed in relation to theorisation of heteronormativity, intersectionality, and gender and development assistance as part of the global political economy. The analysis of the normative boundaries and subversive potential focuses on three practices of gender mainstreaming: the use of the concept pair sex/gender; framing of gender as an exclusive focus of analysis; and the use of project management tools. I illustrate how gender mainstreaming uses arguments from biology, theology, and feminist theory to reiterate and normalise heteronormativity and the naturalness of sex. Analysing the radio drama production ’Women Can Do It Too!’, Oxfam International’s gender advocacy campaign produced for the tsunami-affected coastal areas in Aceh in 2006, I illustrate how the radio drama normalises liberal feminist ideals of women’s political, social and economic rights omitting critical narratives of the tsunami reconstruction efforts and the context of conflict, thus making the other social inequalities invisible. Furthermore, I argue that aid project management practices construct Acehnese spatiality and temporality within linear narratives of ‘better’. These normative narratives are subverted by a simultaneously emerging local activism that offers the possibility of understanding feminism and construction of norms as multiple, always in the process of ‘becoming’.