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This thesis investigates the changing patterns of political competition among local elites in Indonesia in recent years. Since the demise of the New Order regime in 1998, the government of Indonesia underwent a transition towards a democracy after forty years of authoritarian rule. Since 1999, moreover, Indonesia has also embarked on a far-reaching decentralisation programme of its political institutions, which has shifted considerable power to the district level. Many hopes that were associated with these reforms have not materialised, with disappointment leading to increasingly gloomy evaluations of Indonesia's transition process. Despite the introduction of free and fair elections and the devolution of political authority, "old elites" from the New Order times have succeeded in maintaining their strategic administrative and political positions. Field research in the Indonesian province of South Sulawesi confirmed that the political elite from the New Order era is still very much in power indeed. However, elite continuity does not necessarily mean continuity for elites. Today, local political elites have to adhere to new strategies in order to stay in power, strategies which differ from those prevalent under the New Order. The aforementioned institutional reforms thus had a profound impact on the way power is accumulated and exercised among these entrenched elites. Yet clearly a more nuanced and sophisticated understanding of elite continuity is needed. This thesis draws on 24 months of fieldwork in South Sulawesi and a variety of sources to offer such an enhanced understanding of local politics in post-authoritarian Indonesia. The thesis shows how the political changes and institutional reforms unfolding since the end of the New Order in 1998 have played out at the local level. The thesis traces patterns of both continuity and change in local politics, revealing subtle shifts in the terms of competition among local elites and in the possibilities for local accumulation of power.

This thesis contributes to analyses on varieties of patriarchy by developing a theory of premodern domestic patriarchy. Building on existing analyses that associate gender-based segregationist strategies with public patriarchy and gender-based exclusionary strategies with domestic patriarchy, I propose that domestic patriarchy has two forms: In the modern form, men sustain their exploitation of women’s labour within the home by excluding women from free wage labour; in the premodern form, they exclude women from landownership to maintain patriarchal exploitation of labour in agriculture. I also contribute to theories on the relationship between patriarchies and capitalisms by demonstrating the implications of premodern domestic patriarchy for capitalist transformation in Turkey. I use the method of comparative analysis to assess if male dominance in landownership has the consequence of excluding women from free wage labour. The historical-sociology based case study method is also used to examine how male peasants constitute a patriarchal collective subject and exclude women from landownership. Both methods are required and complement each other in terms of identifying the implications of gendered landownership and free wage labour for varieties of patriarchy and capitalism. Premodern domestic patriarchy in Turkey enabled production of the agrarian surplus necessary for initial industrialisation yet prevented expansion of capitalism in agriculture by shielding peasants’ landownership from market-led dispossession of land. It also led to a shortage of free wage labour and obstructed industrial quality. The premodern form slowed transition to public patriarchy by limiting women's access to education, establishing gendered patterns of rural to urban migration and excluding women from free wage labour. In such conditions, women are divided: women living under the conditions of premodern domestic patriarchy experience gender-based exclusion and women in public patriarchy confront gender-based segregation. A lack of alignment in their feminist strategies weakens women's overall capacity to achieve significant advances in gender equality.

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