Cette thèse a pour objectif d’étudier les relations interalliées entre l’Italie et l’Entente avec rigueur et dans toutes ses dimensions : militaire, diplomatique, économique et sociale de 1914 à 1919. Nous avons établi des rapports de forces et des lignes stratégiques structurants les anciens et nouveaux équilibres stratégiques de la guerre à la paix de Versailles. L’Italie de l’indépendance stratégique en 1914-1916 à la subordination envers lesAlliés en 1917, pour finir par être vassalisée en 1918-1919 par l’Entente et les Etats-Unis. La Victoire Mutilée de1919 devient un résultat logique provenant du nouvel ordre mondial crée par la Première Guerre Mondiale.Ce résultat est obtenu par une nouvelle analyse stratégique globale fondée sur les déterminants de la puissance :l’économie, la cohésion nationale, l’effort de guerre et les victoires ou défaites qui en découlent, la diplomatie, les forces morales des nations. Cette analyse balaie tout le spectre du conflit armé : de la déclaration de guerre à la paix. Elle est fondée sur 3 piliers théoriques : la pensée stratégique de Sun Tzu, l’héritage de Clausewitz, et lathéorie des jeux. Les lignes stratégiques obtenues définissent des rapports de force internationaux et de nouveauxéquilibres. Cette thèse débouche au niveau de la recherche historique sur une nouvelle vision des relations interalliées durant la Grande Guerre. Elle revient au fondement de l’histoire : la politique et la guerre en sont le coeur. Il s’agit de rendre à l’histoire politico-militaire ses lettres de noblesse. Cependant 3 pistes de recherches restent à explorer : les rivalités culturelles entre nations, les différences entre modèles sociaux, et une analyse des mentalités. Le Fascisme est la conséquence ultime en Italie de la guerre en raison de la Victoire Mutilée et l’affaiblissement général du pays. En effet, la guerre a déstabilisé le pays en créant une crise politique, socio économique grave. La naissance de l’esprit Arditi, l’absence de réformes sociales en 1919 et l’expérience de la guerre sont-ils responsables de la Marche sur Rome par les fascistes ? / This thesis aims to study interallied relationships between Italy and the Entente with rigor and in all dimensions: military, diplomatic, economic and social from 1914 to 1919. We can establish force reports and strategic lines in order to structuring old and new balances from war to Versailles’ peace. The world war one beganby an independent Italy in 1914-1916. Then in 1917, Italy became an subordinate state toward Allies. Finaly, in1918-1919 Italy was a vassal state of Allies and Associates. The injured victory of 1919 became a logic result inreason of new global order created by the World War one.This result is obtained by a new strategic global analysis,founded on power determinants: economy, national cohesion, war effort, diplomacy and moral forces of nations.This analysis scans all the spectre of war: from breaking out to peace. It’s founded on three theoric schemes: thestategic think of Sun Tzu, the war meaning of Clauzewitz and the game theory. The obtained strategic lines giveinternational force reports and new balances.This thesis emerges on historic level on a new vision of interalliedrelationships during the World War one. It was back at historic foundation: policy and war are the history heart. It concerns to restore at politic and military history her nobility letters. Moreover it stays three research sectors todevelop: cultural rivalries between nations, differences between social models, and a psychologic analysis.Fascism is the last consequence in Italy from war and the injured victory. Italy was lower than before the WorldWar one. The World War one has destabilized Italy by creating a politic and economic crisis. The beginning of Arditi spirit, missing of social reforms in 1919 and the experience of war are they in charge of the March onRome by Fascists ?

This thesis explores representations of the First World War in English theatre, Theatre in Education (TIE), and Living History between 2014 and 2015. By employing an interdisciplinary approach it evaluates these performance genres in relation to responses sought from Key Stage 3 History pupils. The beginning of the centenary created a cultural outpouring and provided opportunities for secondary schools to include field trips and creative learning about the war. Examination of this commemorative period is contextualised by examining pupils’ interaction with cultural works since 1914, showing that the centenary moment stemmed from a tradition of creatively remembering and teaching the conflict. This perspective highlights long-standing complexities in the relationship between creative practitioners, teachers and education authorities. It also confronts the divide that has grown between some creative practitioners and revisionist historians of the First World War. Revisionist historians’ reassessment of the conduct and necessity of the war has led some to harshly judge cultural works, such as performances, for misleading audiences. Yet little research has been conducted into twenty-first century productions about the war and their reception by school audiences. An investigation of these performances problematizes scholarly notions about how and who has the authority to communicate the First World War to the next generation. Whilst the providers, gatekeepers, and critics of learning through performance are of central consideration, this thesis also values the pupil’s voice. Ten Key Stage 3 cohorts are used as case studies, providing a snapshot of the creative activities and field trips employed by schools in 2014 and 2015. Interviews and questionnaires provide pupils’ feedback on what they thought and how they felt about studying history through performance. Observations of History lessons and performances also remove the debate from the hypothetical to the realities of history teaching. They reveal that pupils’ cultural backgrounds, schooling, and exposure to cultural works shaped their responses to performances about the First World War. Pupils also assigned the performances varying degrees of historical authority, some viewed them as merely entertainment, others as educational sources and several as a mixture of the two. Performances brought immediacy and life to the historical topic and provoked an empathetic response from many pupils. Yet some struggled with the symbolism of theatre and others feared the participation that came with TIE and Living History. Consequently, this thesis explores pupil’s critical, personal and emotional engagement with performances, raising questions about what criteria should be used to evaluate the success of such non-formal learning on the war.

This study examines the Allied notion of victory and how it was expressed in the depth of Allied strategic planning in 1918 for a campaign in 1919. Using the Supreme War Council (SWC) as a lens this study's arguments are threefold. The first is that, with the creation of the SWC, the Allies pursued a notion of victory that was focused on a decisive military defeat of the German army. Their timeline to victory over the enemy was affected by their perception of the enemy’s strength, their assessment of the difficulties inherent in overcoming the military advantage offered by the Central Powers' interior lines, their appraisal of the European members' morale to continue the war, and their ability to gather the necessary superiority in material and manpower resources. The second argument is that, through the SWC, the Allies were able to successfully coordinate strategy and resources. This study analyses the workings of the SWC as an international body and an early example of modern alliance warfare, comparing the perspectives of the British, French, American and Italian representatives in their willingness and unwillingness to coordinate national needs with alliance ones, arguing that the coalition did form a unified policy and strategy for the campaign in 1919. The abrupt ending of the war has obscured historians' understanding of coalition warfare in the First World War, as they have not sufficiently considered the serious planning that took place for 1919. Third, it argues that at the SWC level, the coalition members recognized the interdependent nature of the theatres, and thus the importance of all them for the conduct of the war.

Cette thèse de doctorat examine l’impact social de la Première Guerre mondiale dans l’Empire ottoman sur les femmes turques défavorisées et la réaction quotidienne de ces femmes aux conditions négatives de la guerre et aux mesures de l’État concernant les femmes. Elle utilise l’approche de l’histoire populaire et des nouvelles sources des archives ottomanes pour démontrer les voix et les expériences des femmes ordinaires, surtout leur lutte contre l’appauvrissement à cause de la guerre et les politiques sociales insuffisantes. Par conséquent, elle contribue à combler une grande lacune dans l’historiographie sur l’Empire ottomane et les études sur les femmes qui examinent rarement les femmes turques ordinaires. Elle renforce l’idée que les femmes ottomanes ont eu des grandes difficultés à cause de la guerre contrairement aux comptes de modernisation soulignant seulement les développements positifs concernant les libertés et les droits des femmes après la guerre. Elle réfute les comptes acceptant la guerre comme une période pendant laquelle toutes les femmes turques ont vécu une « émancipation. » D’ailleurs, elle met en lumière les formes et les aspects des points de vue critiques des femmes et de la politique quotidienne des femmes pour survivre les conditions négatives de la guerre, pour faire entendre leurs voix, pour protéger leurs droits et pour recevoir des aides sociales. / This dissertation examines the social impact of World War I in the Ottoman Empire on ordinary poor Turkish women and their everyday response to the adverse wartime conditions and the state policies concerning them. Based on new archival sources giving detailed information about the voice, experience and agency of these women and based on the history from below approach, this study focuses on poor, underprivileged and working Turkish women’s everyday experiences, especially their struggle against and perception of wartime conditions, mobilization and state policies about them. By doing so, it contributes to filling the great gap in late Ottoman historiography and women’s studies, which rarely examine ordinary women and their everyday problems and struggles for survival and rights. First, it scrutinizes how ordinary women experienced the war and argues that, in contrast to the modernization accounts that overlook women’s sufferings at the cost of post-war developments in women’s rights and liberties, ordinary Turkish women had great difficulties during the war years. It presents a major caveat to the accounts accepting the war years as a period during which Turkish women monolithically experienced a gradual liberty and « emancipation. » Second, it brings the unexamined forms and aspects of women’s critical and subjective views, their everyday politics to circumvent the adverse conditions and state policies, to make their voices heard, to pursue their rights, and to receive government support into the light. / Bu doktora tezi Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nda Birinci Dünya Savaşı’nın sıradan yoksul Türk kadınları üzerindeki sosyal etkilerini ve kadınların olumsuz savaş koşullarına ve kendileriyle ilgili devlet politikalarına yönelik tavırlarını incelemektedir. Kadınların sesleri, deneyimleri ve tarihsel rolleri hakkında detaylı bilgiler veren yeni arşiv kaynaklarına ve aşağıdan tarih yaklaşımına dayanan bu tez yoksul, temel sosyal haklardan yoksun ve çalışan Türk kadınlarının gündelik deneyimlerine, özellikle de savaş koşulları, seferberlik ve devlet politikalarını algılayış ve bunlarla mücadele biçimlerine odaklanmaktadır. Dolayısıyla, bu tez, sıradan kadınları ve onların gündelik problemleriyle hayatta kalma ve hak mücadelelerini çok az inceleyen Osmanlı tarihçiliği ve kadın araştırmalarındaki büyük bir boşluğu doldurmaya katkıda bulunmaktadır. Bu tez, bu anlamda, iki temel temaya odaklanmaktadır. Öncelikle, sıradan kadınların savaşı nasıl deneyimlediklerini mercek altına almakta ve onların çektikleri acıları savaş sonrası kadın hak ve özgürlüklerindeki ve üst ve orta sınıf eğitimli kadınların etkinlik ve deneyimlerindeki gelişmelerin bir bedeli olarak algılayıp gözden kaçıran modernleşmeanlatılarının tersine sıradan kadınların savaş yıllarında büyük güçlükler çektiğini savunmaktadır. Bu bağlamda, bu çalışma, Türk kadınlarının savaş yıllarında bütün olarak görece bir “özgürleşme” yaşadıklarını kabul eden anlatılara önemli bir uyarıdır. İkincil olarak, bu tez, kadınların zorluklarla gündelik mücadelelerine odaklanarak kadınların eleştirel ve öznel tutumlarının ve olumsuz koşullar ve devlet politikalarından kaçmak, seslerini duyurmak, haklarının peşine düşmek ve destek görebilmek amaçlı gündelik politikalarının keşfedilmemiş biçim ve yönlerini gün ışığına çıkarmaktadır.