Rangers and Celtic Football Clubs, together known as the ?Old Firm?, have received the lion?s share of attention given to Scottish association football in both scholarly and popular literature. During Scottish football?s formative years, however, the ascendancy of the OldFirm was far from set in stone. The exhaustive study of these two extraordinary organisations, therefore, greatly distorts our understanding of Scottish football?s Victorianorigins. Both clubs were part of a far greater scene which included not only fellow ?senior?,well-established clubs, but also any number of ?junior?, ?juvenile? and non-classified football clubs, as well as fledgling associations which oversaw the regulation of the younggame. This thesis will examine the birth and growth of football in the west of Scotland,during a period stretching from the mid-1860s to the Ibrox disaster of April 1902.Clubs were formed at any number of locations, from schools and churches, to factories and coal pits, as well as the many spaces in between. Clubs? respective connections in their own communities not only dictated how and why the game was played, but also determined the local support and patronage that each club received from local establishment figures. Victorian football organisations were as much social clubs as they were organisations dedicated to the playing and winning of the sport, and the sociability and conviviality of clubs determined their place in a complex social hierarchy, often leading to hedonistic excess. What pulled football away from this social scene, however, was its undisputed status as a gate money bonanza, one which saw not only the formation of a partisan supporter culture, but also the creation of a niche press dedicated to the ins and outs of the nascent game, both of which continued to fuel participation in the young sport. When the game itself became the main attraction, and when victory became more important than camaraderie, professionalism was not far behind. Play-for-pay irrevocably changed the relationship between players, supporters, the press and football clubs? local communities. This thesis will examine the interrelationships between the players, the supporters, sport clubs? patrons and the press, as well as the local and national connotations present in the building and advancement of the newly-popular association game.

John Lesley saw himself as a humanist, devoted to the common weal and especially to his Queen; to others he was `a busie man', `seed-man of all treasons'. Educated in the Renaissance Scotland of James V and trained in France for a career in the law and the Church, he was `a great doer' with Queen Mary and, briefly, at the heart of government in Scotland, as Lord of Session, Bishop and trusted Counsellor. In 1568 his priorities were transformed. Charged with defending Mary's innocence at York and her interests at the court of Elizabeth, he failed to secure her rehabilitation in Scotland or her release from England. What he could not do in court by his pleading he attempted to do, covertly, by his pen, in an attempt to convince the English nobility and the Spanish King that Mary was Elizabeth's natural heir, in no way disqualified by her own character and conduct or her gender or by English laws of succession. These three topics and Lesley's handling of them are discussed in Chapters Two to Four. Chapter One uses his own, often mutually contradictory, accounts of these years to indicate the circumstances in which his polemic, and the Histories discussed in Chapter Six, were composed. Chapter Five argues that A Treatise of Treasons should not be ascribed to him. In the past century, Lesley has attracted little notice, usually overshadowed by stronger or more flamboyant characters; from his writings, Mary's `learned and most faithful servant' can appear to have the consistency of a chameleon. This study is concerned with his political works, in Latin, Scots and English; it tries to explain those discrepancies which it cannot reconcile, and to examine Lesley's ideas, and their influence, on political issues which included resistance, union with England and the rights of women.

This thesis examines the historical geography of lunacy in the Scottish Highlands and Islands. Using a wide variety of sources, the objective is to construct an expansive picture of the manner in which those labelled as “mad” were treated and managed in this peripheral region of mainland Britain, from the Medieval Period to the late-Victorian period. The scope includes Medieval Celtic manuscripts, nineteenth-century folklore collections, Lunacy Commissioners’ reports, Sheriff Court records, asylum case notes and various other documents besides. These sources open windows on a variety of vocabularies, writings, stories and proclamations through which madness was socially constructed, and then substantively treated, in this remotest of regions. In effect, the thesis sets regional folklore, as a way of accessing the “traditional” worlds of Highland madness from the “bottom-up”, in counterpoint to the likes of Lunacy Commissioners reports, as an instance of the “modernising” of these worlds through medical-institutional means from the “top-down”. The interlocking binaries here are to an extent then scrambled by exploring different dimensions of this interaction between “bottom-up” and “top-down”, charting continuities as well as breaks in attitudes and practices, and thereby constructing a tangled picture of how the Highlands have come to tackle this most challenging of human conditions. The account that follows is thoroughly informed by the historical, social and spatial context of the Highlands, always recognising that madness and its responses must be seen as indelibly placed, contextually shaped and ‘read’ through the region. While the historiography of madness and psychiatry has already considered the Scottish Lowlands experience from various angles, the Highlands have remained all but untouched and their archives unopened. This thesis begins the task of addressing this serious lacuna.

The impact of Irish nationalism on central Scotland, 1898 – 1939 The years 1898 to 1939 were momentous ones for both Irish and Scottish history. The rise of Sinn Fein, the impact of the First World War and the Easter Rising, followed by the formation of the Irish Free State in 1921 and Eire in 1937 all occurred within these forty or so years. This thesis explores the nature and extent of the impact that Irish nationalism had on Scotland in this period. This thesis divides these years into four segments: from 1898 when Irish nationalists began to renew their activities in Scotland in earnest, to the Easter Rising in 1916 (i); from the suppression of the Easter Rising until the establishment of the Irish Free State in 1922 (ii); from 1922 until the 1931 census when anti-Irish prejudice was widespread again in Scotland, coming in particular from the Church of Scotland and associated institutions (iii); from the Depression to the coming of the Second World War in 1939, when these institutions altered their campaigns to become anti-Catholic in general and the IRA once again looked to Scotland for assistance. There can be little doubt that Irish nationalism had a profound effect on Scotland and had its many different aspects: the organisation of IRA supply and training activity; the military and intelligence responses by the British government; the reaction of the Protestant churches, and the anti-Irish or anti-Catholic campaigns of the Church of Scotland in particular; the influence on the movement for Scottish Home Rule and the founding of a nationalist political party with the NPS in 1928; the electoral benefits enjoyed by the Labour Party from an already politicised ‘Irish’ vote; and the conflict between constitutional and militant Irish nationalist politics. This mixture of both positive and negative effects demonstrates the deep impact made on Scotland during a transitional period of economic adjustment amid continuing urbanisation. It was in the industrial towns and cities of central Scotland that this impact was most keenly felt, on both sides of the religious divide, and this presents itself as an underlying cause of the continuing religious bigotry felt in central Scotland to this day.

The Kindertransport brought close to 10,000 unaccompanied minors to Britain on a trans-migrant basis between 1938 and 1939. The outbreak of war turned this short-term initiative into a longer-term episode. This PhD is a study of Scotland’s Kindertransport story and an evaluation of the Kindertransportees’ experiences of reception, care and nurture between 1938 and 1945. It also considers the wider implications of the Kindertransport upon the Kindertransportees’ broader life stories after 1945, namely further migration and resettlement. This thesis will unite a number of disparate areas of research, including British philanthropy and welfare, Anglo/Scottish Jewry, Zionism and migrant/refugee studies. It will be shown that Scotland’s reception of the Kindertransportees was highly varied and marked by many different agendas. These were fundamentally responsive to British interests. Growing up in Scotland exposed the Kindertransportees to a variety of different types of care. These were strongly tied to their Scottish context and mirror experiences of the Scottish child in care. Kindertransportees’ nurture invited important changes in their connection to Judaism. Nonetheless, an epitaph to a lost Jewish generation is inappropriate. Zionism emerges as an important Jewish connection. Nevertheless, Kindertransportees did not en-masse adopt Zionist goals or make Aliyah. Yet, at the same time, they did not usually remain in Scotland. Resettlement patterns show that there was a mass exodus of Kindertransportees across the Scottish borders. However, these Kindertransportees still exhibit a connection to Scotland as well as to Scottish communities in the diaspora. They express a profound fondness to all things imagined to be Scottish.

Le long processus de revendication de l’autonomie en Écosse était couronné de succès en 1997 avec le rétablissement d’un Parlement local. Aujourd’hui, à quelques années seulement de cet événement majeur, l'actualité s’intéresse déjà à l'organisation d’un référendum sur l’indépendance complète du pays qui se tiendrait prochainement. En politique, une semaine est décidément une longue période, comme l'affirmait l’ancien Premier ministre Harold Wilson. Mais est-ce une raison valable pour oublier le passé ? Qui s'intéresse, par exemple, aujourd’hui à un autre référendum écossais, celui de 1979 ? Celui-ci, en dépit de son échec "programmé" ne mérite pas le mépris des historiens car c’est à partir de ce "désastre" politique que le processus conduisant à 1997 tire sa force. Cette thèse est une analyse minutieuse de l'état d’esprit en Écosse et les facteurs divers et contradictoires incitant l'électorat écossais à l'enthousiasme, au désintérêt et à l'absentéisme lors du référendum de 1979. Elle cherche à comprendre comment une nation dont le sentiment identitaire est si fort n’a pas trouvé de point de ralliement dans un projet politique visant à lui donner plus d'autonomie. Elle analyse comment un gouvernement de gauche a cru nécessaire de proposer un projet de dévolution en opposition avec sa propre philosophie politique et qui l'a conduit à sa perte. Enfin, elle explore comment la "victoire" des opposants à ce projet de dévolution, et tout particulièrement le Parti conservateur britannique, pouvait si mal interpréter le vrai message de l'électorat écossais lors de ce grand rendez-vous manqué. Cette thèse invite les historiens à une meilleure appréciation de la notion de "défaite" en politique et rappelle l'importance parfois très complexe du rôle joué par le passé dans les choix identitaires présents et à venir du peuple écossais. / Scotland’s long road to self-government was crowned with success in 1997 when the parliament was re-established in Edinburgh. Today, within only a few years of this momentous event, political analysts have already turned their attention to a forthcoming referendum on complete independence. As a former Prime minister was once keen to point out “a week is a long time in politics”, but is it a valid reason for ignoring the past? Who today, for instance, is interested in another referendum, that of 1979? Despite its image of "programmed” failure, this historical event does not deserve the contempt it has received from historians for it is precisely from this “disaster” that the processes leading to 1997 can be traced. This thesis is a detailed analysis of the state of mind of the Scottish people and the various and contradictory factors which pushed them towards enthusiasm, disinterest and absenteeism during the referendum of 1979. It seeks to understand how a nation so imbued with the sense of its own identity was unable to support a political project aimed at giving it more control over its own affairs. It analyses how a left-wing government found it necessary to propose a project of devolution of its own powers which was in conflict with its own political philosophy and which ultimately led to its own self-destruction. Finally, it examines how the message sent by the Scottish people at the time of this great “victory” should have been so badly understood by the antis and in particular by the Conservative Party. This thesis invites historians to think more carefully about the notion of “defeat” in political terms and remember the importance and often complex role played by the past, and popular images of the past, in shaping the sense of belonging and identity in the present and determining the future choices of the people of Scotland.

The fin de siècle was a time of change in nationalism, culture, art, science and religion. Nations and groups grew into defining themselves through movements such as Arts and Crafts and Art Nouveau. Some groups sought to define themselves through reviving aspects of their old cultures as inspiration. For instance, Finland found inspiration in the Kalavala and William Morris inspired Arts and Crafts through England’s Middle Ages. Scotland had many pasts to choose from for inspiration. Patrick Geddes found inspiration in its Celtic past. Geddes is best known for his work as a town planner and sociologist, but has been under-valued for his work as the leader of the 1890s cultural movement in Edinburgh, the Celtic Renascence. In an effort to revive the flagging Old Town, Geddes created a community in Ramsay Garden on the Castle Esplanade. Ramsay Garden became home to Summer Meetings, University Hall functions, and the Old Edinburgh School of Art, and out of all this emerged The Evergreen: A Northern Seasonal. The Evergreen served as a mouthpiece for the Celtic Renascence, a way for them to communicate the life of Ramsay Garden to those outside it. It was a journal which included art, literature and science, brought to the reader on a seasonal basis. Geddes’s view of Celticism was inclusive, he sought to include all peoples of Celtic nations (a view not all agreed with). But his Celtic Renascence was more than just a small art movement, it was part of his larger work to improve city life, to get people to broaden their perspectives and to generalise rather than specialise. Geddes used the Celtic Renascence, like any of his other projects, as a tool for positive and lasting change.

This thesis is a study of George Gordon, sixth earl of Huntly, from July 1581 to March 1595, analysing the role he played in the confessional politics of the period (both national and internation) and how a strong Catholic magnate affected the balance of power and wider policy decisions in Scotland. The thesis is a narrative, with comentary on the political events of the reign of James VI, including the relationship Huntly had with James VI and the wider repercussions thereof. Huntly returned to Scotland from France in July 1581, becoming a courtier and an adherent of Esme Stewart, duke of Lennox. He served a political apprenticeship to Lennox and was exposed to covert Catholic politicking, as well as to the nascent Jesuit mission in Scotland. After James was captured by the Ruthven Raiders in August 1582, Huntly entered politics in his own right, becoming influential in the opposition to the rithven regime. Huntly assisted in enforcing the regime change when James escaped from the Ruthven lords in June 1583, his loyalty to the king winning James's trust and close friendship - the dividends of which he reaped throughout his life. Huntly initially supported the new administration under James Stewart, earl of Arran and assiduously attended to his duties in both the locality and the central government. Following Arran's fall in November 1585, Huntly deliberately distanced himself from the Court and the new Anglophile government. He opposed the anglo-Scottish treaty which was concluded in July 1586 and worked hard to counter the rise of John Maitland of Thirlestane. For the first time, Huntly made contact with the European counter-Reformation in Apriland May 1586. The period June 1587 to April 1589 was marked by faction fighting between Huntly and Maitland, who were both instrumental in James' pursuit of diametrically opposed policies. The discovery of Huntly's covert correspondece with Spain in February 1589 made his Catholic politicking public, subsequently colouring the conflict vetween Maitland and Huntly with confessional politics. Events excalated until Huntly mustered troops on the field of Brig o' Dee near Aberdeen, Although Huntly refused to meet the king on the field, Maitland's vitory was only parial. Brig o' Dee was not the manifestation of the politics of the Counter-Reformation in Scotland, but the productof years of faction fighting between Maitland and Huntly. The period of January 1590 to March 1595 was characterised by Hunrly's continuing influence at Court with marked favour from James and his bloodfeud with James Stewart, second earl of Moray. Huntly used his twin centres of influnce, the Court and power in the region, to fight a vivious and protacted bloodfeud with Moray and his faction. The interception of the Spanish Blanks at the end of 1592 brought confessional politics to bear on a purely secular bloodfeud. Political agitation from the Kirk and Stewarts caused James to commission an army under Archibald Campbell, seventh earl of Argyll to pursue Huntly in October 1594. The result was the battle of Glenlivet between Huntly and Argyll which came to represent the fight against Catholicism, although its root cause was Huntly's bloodfeud with Moray and the Stewarts. When James later raised his own army and marched north against Huntly, the early refused to face James on the field and in March 1595 he voluntarily went into exile abroad. This ended the most active phase of huntly's participation in national and international politics; after his political rehabilitation in 1597, he no longer played an influential role in the king's domestic or foreign policies. Overall, the thesis agues that Huntly needs to be understood as a political faction leader, whose Catholicism was a tool he eomplyed to widen his political influence but not the determinant of all his actions.

Few studies relating to the nobility of medieval Scotland have been carried out. Those which have mostly fall into two categories: studies of individual nobles and single noble families, or studies of noble institutions, generally over a long time-scale. With the exception of parts of the work of Professors Ritchie and Barrow on the twelth century, there are no general surveys of the Scottish nobility during a short period. This thesis is an attempt to provide such a survey. It gives an account of the top layer of Scottish noble society in the early Stewart period, that is between 1371 and 1424. A broad view of the nobility, noble estates, and noble institutions has been taken, which is intended to be complementary to other studies of more restricted subjects. The topics dicussed in the thesis have been largely determined by the nature of the sources. The material available for the study of the Scottish nobility in this period consists almost entirely of charters, especially those issued by the crown. Hardly any documents of a more ephemeral nature have survived. In particular (with two slight exceptions) there are none of the account rolls and similar estate records which historians of the English medieval nobility have used to such effect. Because of this, the thesis has a strong topographical and institutional bias. It is possible to say what lands the nobility held and how they held them, but not to describe in any great detail what they did with them, how they were run, or what they were worth.

Over 22,000 sherds of pottery were recovered during the excavation of the small islet of Eilean Dòmhnuill in North Uist in the late 1980s. Analysis of the assemblage has demonstrated that all of the main vessel forms and decorative motifs recognised at the site were already in place when settlement began in the earlier 4th millennium BC and continued to be deposited at the site until its abandonment over 800 years later. Statistically significant stylistic variation is limited to slow drifts in the relative proportions of certain rim forms. Across the Outer Hebrides, decorative elaboration and the presence of large numbers of distinctive vessel forms would appear to mark out certain assemblages seemingly associated with communal gathering and feasting events at key locales within which a distinctive Hebridean Neolithic identity was forged. Throughout, this study takes a relational approach to the issue of variation in material culture, viewing all archaeological entities as dynamic assemblages that themselves form attributes of higher-level assemblages. It is argued that the various constraints and affordances that arise within such assemblages constitute significant structuring principles that give rise to commonly held expectations and dispositions, resulting in the kind of constrained temporal and spatial variation that we observe in the archaeological record and which in turn gives rise to the concept of the archaeological culture.