The central proposition of this work is that a battlefield’s location sits at the intersection of three interlinked variables of terrain, tactics, and force composition, which exist in a symbiotic relationship. Furthermore, this intersection can be located through qualitative modelling within GIS against an informed digital landscape reconstruction. The hypothesis assumes that tactics and force composition are culturally relative. Moreover, they are temporally constrained aspects of a tri-poled dialectic, and state changes in the nature of these aspects will result in correlative shifts in the types of terrain that are chosen for conflict. To analyse these aspects, a theoretical framework of human agency in the selection of terrain for conflict, was developed. This theoretical position utilises a modified version of the military terrain analysis KOCOA for the purposes of visualising abstract theory, and highlighting Key Terrain aspects as a means of predicting conflict locations. To apply this theoretical framework, a phased methodology for historic landscape reconstruction within GIS was created, allowing the modelling of possible locations as a desk-based assessment approach. To model likely battlefield locations within the wider landscape, the theoretical framework posits a culturally and temporally relative habitus, experientially formed through regular experience with conflict. By analysing the digitally reconstructed battlescapes with the theoretical approach, we can model and highlight the Key Terrain an agent’s habitus would have inculcated them to choose. This Key Terrain will be distinct for each time period, reflecting culturally and temporally distinct ways of warfare, and reflexive choices of ideal terrain. The theory and method were tested through application to Scottish battlefields, with general locations known, from each major period of warfare. A study of the praxis of warfare for each period was undertaken, to fully understand the underlying structure of the habitus of conflict for each period. The historic battlescapes were reconstructed, and analysed within GIS using Culturally Relative KOCOA, projecting the agent’s habitus onto the landscape, modelling areas that were probable as focuses for conflict. This modelling process was applied to the medieval battles of Dunbar (1296), Roslin (1302), Bannockburn (1314), the Post-Medieval battles of Flodden (1513), Ancrum (1545), Pinkie (1547), and the Early Modern battles of Kilsyth (1645), Philiphaugh (1645), and Dunbar II (1650). After the modelling process was completed in GIS, selecting the most likely location of conflict within the battlescape, distributions of battle-related artefactual evidence—where available—were used to check the locations suggested by the model against artefact data. Based on these results, I argue that the theoretical and methodological approach herein can be utilized as a desk-based approach to find forgotten fields. It is a modelling process that can be performed utilizing the theoretical and methodological framework as a desk-based assessment, prior to any fieldwork, and would function to focus any investigations-on-high-priority-areas.

No description available.

The thesis is a detailed descriptive survey of the society of the Anglo-Scottish borders in the second half of the fifteenth century. The survey is divided into three sections, the first providing a background to border society, the second examining the structure of that society, and the third describing how the society was governed. As an introduction to the study of border society, the geography and economy of the frontier region are briefly described; a short survey of border towns is attempted; and the role of the Church in border society is examined, although this is mainly confined to a description of the ecclesiastical institutions in the area. In analysing the structure of border society in the later fifteenth century a division is made between, on the one hand, the levels of society, and, on the other, the interconnections which bound the border population together. The lower ranks of border society, both urban and rural, are examined in as uuch detail as is permitted by the scarcity of surviving evidence. The leading families on each side of the frontier are described and their role in border society is examined. Interconnections within border society are investigated from three aspects: the bond of kinship; connections and ties of dependency among leading border families; and relationships across the frontier. The topic of kinship bonds raises the question of the origin of border surnames, and an attempt is made to contribute to this controversy by examining the state of development of the surnames by the mid-fifteenth century. Connections between leading border families are examined under the categories of land-holding relationships, connections formed through marriage, and bonds based on employment or the more formal contracts of retainer manrent. Interconnections, so far as they existed, between English and Scottish borderers are described as a conclusion to the survey of the ways in which border society was knit together. The final section of the thesis is concerned with the government of border society. As a means of introduction, the background of the political relations between the kingdoms of England and Scotland is established by a detailed analysis of events during the half-century. Following this survey of how the two countries alternated between truce and open war during the period, an analysis is made or the terms of the truces signed between 1455 and 1502. This examination of truce terms, which were mainly concerned with frontier control, leads on to a survey of the operation of law-enforcement on the borders. The machine of law-enforcement, involving the imposition of both the international frontier law control and the national laws of the respective countries is described, and standards of efficiency among judicial officers are touched upon. Aspects of law-enforcement on the borders which are of particular interest are subsequently exanined, and both the general character and the causes of border lawlessness are discussed. In the examination of law-enforcement machinery the function of officials are described, but as a conclusion to the survey of law and order on the borders the holders of the various offices are investigated. In the conclusion to the thesis a brief generalised description is attempted of the characteristics of border people and their society in the later fifteenth century.

The present work is the fruit of seven years' research into the history of the earldoms of Orkney and Caithness. No excuse of birth or long acquaintance with northern Scotland can be offered as a reason for the choice of this research topic. An intellectual explanation for the study of the history of these two earldoms in the Middle Ages is that a peculiar problem is provided by their political situation. They were divided between two kingdoms, and the earl of Orkney and Caithness owed dual allegiance, a position which became increasingly anomalous as the Middle Ages advanced. The problems which this situation posed for the earls provide an intellectual rationale for the study of these earldoms during this period. But this is an explanation which can only be offered now after several years' research work and an increasing understanding of northern history. The original reasons for the choice of topic were more empirical and dictated by circumstances and the limitations imposed by academic requirements.

The majority of the letters from Lord Milton quoted are copies which he kept of his more important communications. His main correspondent was the Earl of Ilay (1706), 3rd Duke of Argyll (1743). The Argyll papers at Inveraray Castle are unavailable. Ilay's papers apart from estate material are not at Inveraray, however, being included in his English estate and going to his mistress Mrs Anne Williams or Shireburn, then to her son by him, William Williams or Campbell, and then to the latter's son Archibald Campbell, who gave William Coxe access to them for his Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole (1798). After that these papers were lost (Sir Lewis Namier having failed to trace them in recent times) and might, if found, be disappointing in one respect, the injunction of Milton to Ilay being to burn his (Milton's) letters. Fortunately Ilay's letters to Milton are preserved in the latter's vast archives (the bulk of the Saltoun Papers at the National Library of Scotland). It is evident that Milton systematically stored every scrap of paper addressed to him. Milton is correctly described as plain Andrew Fletcher before he took the judicial title of Milton from part of his uncle's and father's estate of Salton (there already being a Lord Salton, in the Scots peerage). And his proper title during the centre of his career was, according to the usage of the time, "the Lord Justice Clerk", the designation of Milton not then applying. For simplicity's sake, however, he is referred to throughout as Milton. Similarly Ilay is always referred to as Ilay rather than Argyll to avoid confusing him with his brother the 2nd Duke of Argyll. And the 18th century spelling of Salton is preferred to the preciously antique form of Saltoun now prevailing. I am greatly indebted to Professor R. H. Campbell for his valuable advice and unstinting encouragement, and to Mrs Margaret Anderson, Dr Anand Chitnis, Dr Derek Dow, Dr Alastair Durie, Mrs Rita Hemphill, Mr Murdo MacDonald, Mr Michael Moss, Dr Alexander Murdoch, Miss Chris Robertson, Mr John Simpson, Miss Veronica Stokes, Mr Arnott Wilson, the Secretaries of the Royal Bank of Scotland and the Bank of Scotland and the staff of the National Library of Scotland and the Scottish Record Office for their generous help and cooperation.

Les années 1707 et 2011 marquent deux dates singulières du nationalisme écossais. Alors que l’union des royaumes d’Ecosse et d’Angleterre laisse place à la formulation d’une identité qui revendique la spécificité de l’Ecosse sans pour autant remettre en question le pouvoir central britannique, la victoire du « Scottish National Party » aux élections parlementaires symbolise la montée au pouvoir d’un parti qui revendique l’indépendance politique de l’Ecosse. Cette thèse se propose d’étudier la nature du sentiment national écossais et de ses représentations en analysant le rôle joué par le territoire national dans l’élaboration de l’idéologie nationaliste. Nous utilisons les concepts de la territorialité et du rhizome, comme définis respectivement par Jan Penrose d’une part et Gilles Deleuze et Félix Guattari d’autre part, afin de montrer que l’exploitation des représentations du sentiment national écossais donne naissance à des conceptions territoriales divergentes qui façonnent aujourd’hui encore l’identité nationale écossaise. / The years 1707 and 2011 hold a particular significance in the history of Scottish nationalism. Whereas the union of the kingdoms of Scotland and England gave way to the negotiation of a Scottish identity held within the larger structure of the British State, the victory of the "Scottish National Party" in the parliamentary elections symbolises the rise of a party claiming political independence for Scotland to a position of power. This thesis explores the nature of Scottish national sentiment and its representations while analyzing the role played by the national territory in the construction of nationalist thought. The concept of territoriality developed by Jan Penrose on the concept of rhizome as defined by Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari are used in order to demonstrate that harnessing the representations of the Scottish national sentiment spawned two diverging conceptions of the national territory which still shape Scottish national identity.

The first aim of this thesis is to present a comprehensive toponymic listing and analysis for six parishes of Western Strathearn, and this is done in Part One where approximately 2500 place-names are considered. The medieval parishes of BQR, COM, TEX, MUT, MZX and MXZ form a continuous, largely upland, area, topographically distinct from the Strathearn parishes to the east, and with the exception of Innerpeffray (part of MXZ, see esp. Part Two, Appendix 1b) somewhat less affected, in the 12c to 14c at least, by inward migration of Anglo-Norman and other non-Gaelic groups or individuals. Thus we might expect this western area to be the most conservative part of an earldom that Cynthia Neville has characterised as conservative and insular as late as 13c when compared to other major Scottish earldoms and lordships (Neville 1983, eg vol i, 156, Neville 2000, 76). The core lands of the more easterly medieval parish of FOW were subjected to the same comprehensive toponymic analysis. Though that toponymic material could not be included for reasons of space, it has contributed, along with the material from the six parishes covered in the gazetteers below, to the second main aspect of the thesis, the discussion of lordship and land organisation in Part Two. In Part Two will also be found an introduction to the earldom of Strathearn and a discussion of a number of aspects of its history, as well as appendices giving additional information relevant to the topics discussed in the body of the thesis. The parish unit was chosen as the basis for the organisation of this thesis since John Rogers (Rogers 1992, esp. 125-7) has shown the fundamental link between the form of the ecclesiastical parishes, whose creation was complete by 12c, and pre-existing units of land usually referred to as multiple estates, a multiple estate being a group of individual estates, not necessarily contiguous, organised and operated as a coherent social, tenurial and economic unit. As Rogers puts it, multiple estates were essentially units of lordship, taking the form of a principal settlement or caput with a number of dependent settlements. They contained within their bounds all the resources required to support their economies and to produce the necessary renders. Accordingly they were arranged in the landscape to exploit those resources, a process which often produced irregular geographical forms, including areas detached from the main body of the estate. This process frequently led to a specialisation of function, such as the management of pasture, amongst the component settlements. Jones (1976) discusses the multiple estate in the context of the early British Isles, Dodgshon (1981, esp. 58ff) in a Scottish context. The latter writer says (op. cit., 58) that in their variety of scale, multiple estates have often been likened to a parish, though some were undoubtedly larger, adding that lordship was exercised over them by a tribal chief, a king or a feudal baron. Many of these characteristics will be found relevant to the discussion of land organisation and lordship in Part Two. In our present state of knowledge, then, the medieval parishes are the best representation we have of the patterns of land organisation in Strathearn as they may have been in the time of the late Pictish and early Scottish kingdoms. A practical demonstration of the relevance of parish boundaries lies in the fact that it is rare indeed to find a settlement place-name whose area of reference straddles the boundary of a medieval parish. It is overwhelmingly within the context of the original parish that the place-names of an area have coherence and are most likely to give up their secrets.

Cette thèse est construite en quatre parties : 1) la contextualisation historique de la transmission non pas du Royaume-Uni mais de la Grande-Bretagne vers l’Écosse ; 2) la transmission culturelle n’est pas un phénomène spontané mais elle peut s’opérer dans le traitement de la criminalité par un effet de pression politique ; 3) la criminologie qui se développe en Europe du dix-neuvième siècle concerne la Grande-Bretagne et affecte l’Écosse bien que celle-ci ait préservé son indépendance judiciaire lors de la signature de la loi d’union de 1707 ; 4) l’étude de la criminalité se concentre sur les enfants mineurs en mettant en opposition l’approche punitive et l’approche welfariste (Children’s Hearing). / This dissertation is built around four parts : 1) an historical contextualisation of the phenomenon of transmission not from the United Kingdom but from Great Britain towards Scotland; 2) cultural transmission is never spontaneous, yet it can be carried out through the handling of crime; 3) criminology, developing in 19th-century Europe, reaches Great Britain and consequently Scotland, although the latter has retained some degree of judicial independence since the passing of the Treaty of Union in 1707; 4) reviewing crime and how to handle it is then focused on children, and how punishment can be opposed to a Welfare approach

Modern freemasonry emerged in Britain during the eighteenth century, combining earlier stonemason customs and methods of organization with the popular passion for clubs and societies. Although by no means unique in its ideology and constitution, freemasonry established itself after 1700 as a prominent fixture in both British communal and social life. Some mocked masonic lodges and their rituals, but they were an accepted feature on the social scene and, given that they avoided political and religious discussion and swore loyalty to the existing regime, their position was largely uncontroversial. The French Revolution, however, caused a severe backlash against the masons in Britain and Europe. During the 1790s, masonic lodges which were once viewed simply as charitable and convivial organizations were now seen as convenient vehicles for allowing radical groups to pursue covert revolutionary activities. As a result, legislation was passed which attempted to regulate these societies and eradicate any traces of secrecy. Despite its commitment to the establishment, freemasonry came under suspicion. This thesis examines the structure, nature, and characteristics of Scottish freemasonry in its wider British and European contexts between the years 1725 and 1810. As we shall see, masonic lodges and their members changed and adapted as these contexts evolved. The Enlightenment effectively crafted the modern mason and propelled freemasonry into a new era marked by increasing membership and the creation of the Grand Lodge of Scotland, with the institution becoming part of the contemporary fashion for associated activity.

This thesis examines the political, social and, in particular, military conditions that influenced the allegiance of the men and women of the political community of Lothian, that is to say those people with personal landholding, legal and military obligations whose services were crucial to the efficient administration of the sheriffdom and whose support was courted by kings and magnates alike. The key issue is the high degree of survival among these minor landed families. The upper strata of Scottish political society underwent considerable changes in the early to middle fourteenth century through the fortunes of war, in particular through the disinheritance of the Comyn family and their allies early in the reign of Robert I. Some families lost their Scottish properties, such as the Balliols and the Comyns. Others grew in stature; notably the Douglases and, in Lothian specifically, the Setons and the Lauders. Most landholders would probably have been content to retain their inheritances, and indeed, virtually all of the Lothian landed families of the late thirteenth century would seem to have managed to do just that. A high rate of success is not necessarily evidence that something is easily achieved; the retention of family properties was a complex business in wartime. In the period 1296-1314 the political community had to discharge their financial, legal and military burdens to the party currently in charge, but without permanently compromising themselves with the opposition, who might, after all, be in a position to exert lordship themselves at some point in the future. The military burdens are central to this thesis. Army service was a very obvious indication of allegiance. Given the nature of the normal practice of war in thirteenth and fourteenth century Europe, it is inevitable that this study examines the nature and incidence of armoured cavalry service in Lothian. The overwhelming majority of that service was performed by minor landholders. Records of their service in garrisons or their forfeiture as rebels provide us with a guide to the rate and incidence of defections from one party to another and therefore some guide to the degree to which a particular party was able to impose their lordship. The thesis explores the various challenges that faced the lesser landholders and more prosperous tenants and burgesses who lived through the Wars of Independence from the campaign of 1296 which ended the reign of King John and imposed the rule of Edward I, until 1341 when Edinburgh castle was recovered by the Scots from the forces of Edward III. It also questions the extent to which Edward III was able to impose his lordship in Lothian, considers the nature of the forces ranged against him and challenges the perception that only the outbreak of the Hundred Years War prevented the operational defeat of the Bruce party. The siege of Edinburgh castle in 1341 marked the end of the last attempt by an English medieval king to provide Lothian with a government. Naturally this would not have been abundantly apparent at the time; however subsequent English invasions, though they might attack Edinburgh, were not designed to bring about the conquest of Lothian. The political environment of Lothian landholders therefore differed substantially in 1296-41 compared to the century either side of the Wars of Independence in that the minor nobility faced difficult decisions which had to be made on assessments of the likely eventual success of the Balliol, Plantagenet and Bruce parties.