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No description available.

No description available.

No description available.

The Louisiana Creole community in New Orleans went through profound changes in the first half of the 20th-century. This work examines Creole ethnic identity, focusing particularly on the transition from Creole to American. In "becoming American," Creoles adapted to a binary, racialized caste system prevalent in the Jim Crow American South, and transformed from a primarily Francophone/Creolophone community (where a tripartite although permissive caste system long existed) to a primarily Anglophone community (marked by stricter black-white binaries). These adaptations and transformations were facilitated through Creole participation in fraternal societies, the organized labor movement and public and parochial schools that provided English-only instruction. The "Americanization of Creole New Orleans" has been a common theme in Creole studies since the early 1990's, but no prior study has seriously examined the cultural and social transformation of Creole New Orleans by addressing the place and role of public and private institutions as instruments and facilitators of Americanization. By understanding the transformation of Creole New Orleans, this thesis demonstrates how an historically mixed-race community was ultimately divided by the segregationist culture of the early-twentieth century U.S. South. In addition to an extensive body of secondary research, this work draws upon archival research at the University of New Orleans' Special Collections, Tulane University Special Collections, the Amistad Research Center, The Archdiocese of New Orleans, and Xavier University Special Collections. This thesis makes considerable use of census data, draws upon press reports, and brings to bear a wide assortment of oral histories conducted by the author and others. Most scholars have viewed New Orleans Creoles simply as Francophone African Americans, but this view is limited. This doctoral thesis engages the Creole community in New Orleans on its own terms, and in its own idioms, to understand what "becoming American" meant for New Orleans Creoles between 1896-1949.

Si de nombreux travaux soulignent l’existence d’une segmentation de l’offre de crédit aux États-Unis, entre un marché primaire bancaire et un marché secondaire peuplé d’agences allant des payday lenders aux agences de crédit immobilier subprime, peu de recherches s’intéressent à sa mise en place ou à ses origines historiques. Cette thèse propose une telle analyse à partir de l’histoire du crédit non affecté entre 1900 et 1945 : elle étudie tout d’abord le déploiement de systèmes de crédit au début du XXe siècle, permettant aux classes populaires d’emprunter sur la base de leur salaire ou sur la propriété de biens. À partir de deux études de cas sur le Sud et le Midwest, nous proposons une nouvelle conceptualisation de la relation de crédit en soulignant les différentes formes d’encastrement de ce système d’échange ; judiciaire, racial et dans le procès de travail. La thèse analyse ensuite la construction d’une offre légitime de prêt à travers l’étude des « croisades » et des controverses autour des « loan sharks », ces créanciers perçus comme des usuriers parasitaires qui gravitent aux marges du capitalisme industriel. Ce travail de sociologie économique propose un élargissement des études sur les processus de moralisation marchande en mobilisant des outils de l’action publique, des mouvements sociaux et du droit, dans l’optique de comprendre comment la résolution d’un problème public ainsi que les cadres normatifs dans lesquels puise l’action politique peuvent affecter la structure du marché. Ce cadre théorique contribue ainsi à faire le lien entre l’analyse des transactions et des relations marchandes et celle de la construction politique et culturelle du marché. / The segmentation of the American credit market, between a primary banking market and a secondary “fringe” market, characterized by high-rate services offered by agencies ranging from payday lenders to subprime mortgage dealers, is often mentioned, particularly as it would mirror that of the labor market, and yet very few studies are dedicated to understanding its origins. This thesis offers such a perspective through the history small unsecured loans to wage-earners from 1900 until 1945. First, we study the emergence of credit systems at the beginning of the XXth century which enabled lower-class workers to borrow using future wages or small property as collateral. Through two case studies focusing on the South and the Midwest, we set forth a new, intersectional approach to the credit relationship and analyze the forms of embeddedness of these exchanges; judiciary, racial and in the labor process. Second, we analyze the moral and political construction of a legitimate “business”, through the study of the “crusades” and controversies targeting “loan sharks”, a certain class of creditors associated with usurious practices operating on the margin of industrial capitalism. This work in economic sociology contributes to the study of market moralization processes, bringing in insights from the sociology of public action, social movements and law in order to understand how the resolution of a public problem as well as the frames on which political and legal actions dwell can impact the market structure. Our theoretical framework bridges the gap between the sociological study of economic transactions and practices and the political-cultural approach of markets as politics.

Plusieurs études de la « couverture » médiatique accordée à la vie personnelle, publique et privée, de Théodore Roosevelt montrent qu’il attira plus d’attention journalistique que nombre de ses successeurs. L’on ne saurait sous-estimer la contribution capitale des caricaturistes, même les plus sévères, à l’inaltérable popularité de Roosevelt pendant quelque trente ans. Il y a lieu de penser que nul autre président ne fut pour eux une source d’inspiration aussi constante et aussi réjouissante. Le but de la présente thèse est de replacer l’émergence de l’image caricaturée de Roosevelt dans le contexte d’une prise de conscience globale du pouvoir de la caricature sur l’opinion publique. L’humour devenant un formidable outil d’opposition ou de propagande lorsqu’il est associé à la politique, il convient d’explorer les caractéristiques de l’humour politique à l’époque de Roosevelt, et notamment en quoi il se distingue d’autres formes de critique du pouvoir en place. Est proposé dans un premier temps une rétrospective historique de la caricature politique en Europe et son émergence aux États-Unis, suivie de l’analyse en détail du « moment décisif », avec le très célèbre Thomas Nast, de l’histoire de la caricature américaine. Vient ensuite une évaluation de l’impact des caricatures sur la carrière politique de Théodore Roosevelt au moyen de plusieurs études de cas, identifiés comme les moments clés, dont la finalité est de vérifier s’il existait une véritable corrélation entre les actions du président et son image médiatique : cow-boy légendaire, homme politique au destin national, héros militaire, chef de l’exécutif controversé. / Several studies of the media coverage of Theodore Roosevelt’s personal, public and private life reveal that he attracted more media attention than many of his successors. The importance of the contribution of even the most caustic cartoonists to his enduring popularity for thirty years should not be underestimated. There are reasons to believe that no other president offered a more constant and delightful source of inspiration. The objective of this dissertation is to contextualize several cartooned images of Roosevelt within the growing awareness of the power of cartoons on public opinion. When combined with politics, humor becomes a tremendous tool for the spreading of official propaganda or of the opposition’s creed. We will therefore assess the characteristics of political humor during Roosevelt’s age and how it is distinct from other types of criticism of the establishment. We will first present a brief history of political cartoons in Europe and their rise in the United States, followed by a detailed assessment of the legacy of the famous cartoonist Thomas Nast, which represents a « defining moment » in the history of American political cartoons. This will be followed by an evaluation of their impact on Theodore Roosevelt’s political career by means of several case studies of decisive moments. The objective will be to determine whether there is a correlation between Roosevelt’s actions and his media image: mythical cowboy, politician with a national destiny, war hero, controversial chief executive.

Cette thèse a pour objet la lutte pour les droits civiques dans la période qui va de la crise économique de 1929 jusqu'à l’entrée en guerre des États-Unis en 1941, et ce à travers l’examen du rôle joué par la National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) d’une part et le parti communiste américain (CPUSA) de l’autre. Si ces deux organisations se firent d’abord concurrence, s’opposèrent même parfois, comme ce fut le cas lors de l’affaire Scottsboro, certains rapprochements s’esquissèrent un peu plus tard, dans la période du Second New Deal, notamment à l’occasion du National Negro Congress, tandis que la syndicalisation des ouvriers noirs devenait possible grâce à la fondation d’une nouvelle confédération syndicale, le Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO). La NAACP et le PCUS, deux organisations que tout semblait séparer, furent donc amenées à se « rencontrer » autour de la question noire, et à modifier sensiblement certaines habitudes, comportements, ou réflexes. Alors que la NAACP se rapprochait du peuple noir, les militants communistes, en acquérant sur le terrain une expérience concrète, aidèrent le Parti à modérer sa rhétorique révolutionnaire. On pourrait dire aussi que la concurrence entre la NAACP et le PC constitua une sorte de préfiguration du mouvement pour les droits civiques des années cinquante et soixante. / This dissertation deals with the struggle for civil rights in the 1930s – from the economic crisis of 1929 until 1941 – through an examination of the role played by the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) on the one hand and the American Communist Party (CPUSA) on the other. As was evident in the Scottsboro Case, the competition between the two organizations often bordered on antagonism, even confrontation. During the Second New Deal, however, the relationship eased considerably: the National Negro Congress, and the creation of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) manifested the growing visibility and acceptance of African-American demands for equality and fairness, both were a mover and a consequence of the now possible convergence of the activities of the NAACP and the PCUS. These two organizations, which had seemed so dissimilar, even irreconcilable, now came to meet around the Afro-American problem(s). While the NAACP now sought to move closer to the real-life conditions of the African-American masses, the grassroots experience gathered by committed Communists probably helped the Party and its members to alleviate their revolutionary rhetoric. One might add that the competition between the NAACP and the CP prefigured the civil rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s.