Genetische Einflüsse stellen in der Ätiologie der Alzheimer-Demenz (AD) eine zentrale Rolle dar. In den letzten Jahren konnte eine Vielzahl neuer Kandidatengene entdeckt werden, die in sogenannten Genome-wide association studies (GWAS) eine signifikante Assoziation zur AD zeigten. Inwieweit diese neu entdeckten Polymorphismen auch die Progressionsgeschwindigkeit der AD beeinflussen, ist bislang jedoch nur unzureichend untersucht. Das Ziel dieser Arbeit war es daher, die 11 Polymorphismen mit der stärksten Assoziation zur AD in einem Kollektiv von 42 AD-Patienten hinsichtlich des Einflusses auf die Progressionsgeschwindigkeit zu untersuchen. Dazu wurde bei den Studienteilnehmern der Punktverlust im Mini-Mental-Status-Test (MMST) innerhalb eines Jahres gemessen. Unter den Polymorphismen wurde zusätzlich nach möglichen prädiktiven genetischen Markern für die „rapid-progressive AD“ (MMST-Verlust > 5 Punkte/Jahr) gesucht. Für den untersuchten rs541458-Polymorphismus des PICALM-Gens ließ sich bei C-Allel-Trägern eine signifikant höhere durchschnittliche MMST-Progression als bei Nicht-C-Trägern nachweisen (p = 0,039). Beim rs5930-Polymorphismus des LDLR-Gens konnte zudem für weibliche G-Allel-Träger eine signifikant erhöhte MMST-Progression gezeigt werden (p = 0,040). Prädiktive Marker für die rapid-progressive AD konnten nicht nachgewiesen werden. Der AG-Genotyp des untersuchten BIN1-Polymorphismus (rs744373) war jedoch signifikant häufiger in der langsamen Gruppe (≤ 5 Punkte Verlust im MMST/Jahr) anzutreffen (p = 0,026). Da bisher keine vergleichbaren Studien vorliegen, sind weitere Untersuchungen mit weitaus größeren Teilnehmerzahlen nötig, um die Ausprägung dieser möglichen Effekte genauer zu bestimmen. Die Möglichkeit, die gefundenen Polymorphismen als prognostische Marker zu verwenden und somit das Risiko des Krankheitsverlaufes zu bestimmen, hätte sowohl für Patienten und ihre Angehörigen als auch für die behandelnden Ärzte große Bedeutung.

This dissertation is a case study of The Coalition of Progressive Electors (COPE), a municipal political party in Vancouver, British Columbia. Founded in 1968, COPE claims to represent a coming together of "ordinary citizens" united around a programme of people's needs. In direct opposition to its chief political opponent, the corporatesponsored Non-Partisan Association (NPA), COPE has attempted to articulate the diverse issues and objectives of progressive movements within the civic electoral arena. Following a neo-Gramscian approach, the research highlights both the internal and external challenges confronting COPE throughout the party's long history in Vancouver politics. A neo-Gramscian perspective emphasizes the process of coalition-formation—that is, the creation of a broadly inclusive and widely endorsed counter-hegemonic project. In the advanced capitalist democracies, the task of building electoral coalitions has generally been taken up by political parties that have either tried to gain the active support of social movements, or dismissed their concerns as unwelcome 'distractions' from the main goal of winning state power. However, as the limitations of conventional party politics became increasingly apparent, and as new social movements began to challenge established political boundaries, many experiments in constructing a "new" kind of party have taken place. I have examined COPE as an instance of a "new politics" or movement-oriented party. My research focuses on COPE's efforts to articulate the aims of "new" and "old" political agendas, and to adopt a new social movement style within the realm of electoral politics, thereby serving as a counter-hegemonic vehicle within the local political context. The analysis begins with a review of the concrete practices and experiences of several exemplary movement-oriented parties in various political settings. Based on this literature, the conceptual framework of the study is narrowed to a focus on the content of political debate and the style of political action expected of a movement-party. The COP case study is also situated within the political-economic context of Vancouver's development as a post-Fordist "global city." Systematic examination of COPE's archival documents, observation of the group, and interviews with COPE members reveal that, in its present form, COPE does not rise to the status of a counter-hegemonic force in Vancouver politics, although its particular experience is instructive. Analysis of COPE underscores the necessity of coalition-building around multiple issues and identities, and the need to reconceive the notion of politics to include both electoral and extra-parliamentary struggles. An examination of COPE's historical evolution also points to the need for a greater degree of political flexibility in order to effectively respond to the limits and possibilities presented by specific historical moments. In a post-Fordist era, COPE's electoral appeals to "working people" or "ordinary people" assume a homogeneity among progressive movements that is belied by interrelated processes of economic polarization and political demobilization/exclusion, as well as by the social diversity of the global city. A post-Fordist counter-hegemonic project requires a vision and a political strategy capable of bridging the gaps between disparate interests and movements.

The rise of women’s volunteer organizations can be linked to the social changes that the United States was undergoing during the Progressive Era. The movement from an agrarian society to an industrial one, massive migration of Americans from rural areas to the cities, and increased immigration all contributed to social challenges in the United States in the late 1800s and early 1900s. Recently historians have begun to explore how women’s contributions helped to combat these challenges and this study shows how women’s clubs in Georgia were able to exercise their philanthropic power through their involvement in education. By 1860, the women’s club movement was well underway in the United States, with most of the activity in the Northeast, Midwest, and the West. The South, due to the devastation of the Civil War, did not see an emergence of women’s clubs until 1890. Southern middle class white women felt compelled to help those they perceived as less fortunate at a time when they themselves were trying to establish their own placement within the social structure of the Progressive Era South. Women, due to changing societal roles, were beginning to move beyond the home. They began to use the expertise they acquired through managing a household and applied this knowledge to social programs that would help those in need. Often times these social programs were focused on the education of young children and women. Women’s clubs in Georgia provide a lens for exploring how women were able to influence educational developments during the Progressive Era. Archival data show that the Georgia Federation of Women’s Clubs, the Atlanta Woman’s Club, and the Athens Woman’s Club played in important role in educational advancements in Georgia during the Progressive Era. Archival and primary source materials were used to support an analysis of gender, social class, and geographic differences on women’s roles in educational changes. This study analyzes how women were able to affect education in Georgia at a time when men dominated educational decision-making.

Remiantis moksline literatūra darbe apžvelgiami svarbiausi mokesčių sistemos pasirinkimą įtakojantys kriterijai. Nagrinėjama progresinių mokesčių sistema bei jos teigiamas ir neigiamas poveikis. Apžvelgiami galimi progresyvumo pasiekimo būdai. Siekiant išsiaiškinti progresinio mokesčio reikalingumą Lietuvoje, apžvelgiama Lietuvos gyventojų finansinė situacija, išanalizuojama gyventojų nuomonė apie progresinius mokesčius bei įvertinamos Lietuvos galimybės įvesti progresinį pajamų mokestį. / The Master’s Thesis provides a review of main criteria influencing selection of tax system with reference to scientific literature. Progressive tax system is investigated as well as its positive and negative influence. Possible ways of achieving progressiveness are reviewed in the first chapter. The second and third chapters are dedicated to analysis of the situation in Lithuania. In purpose of finding out if Lithuania needs progressive taxes, the financial situation of the population of Lithuania is reviewed, population’s opinion of progressive taxes is analyzed and possibility of introducing progressive taxes in Lithuania is evaluated.

No description available.

This thesis, called "Jaromír Malý the journalist and regionalist" deals with this remarkable person comming from the southern Bohemia who lived from 1885 to 1955. The thesis describes his life story and focuses on its significance. The thesis is divided into nine chapters. The first of them brings a summary of basic literature dealing with Jaromír Malý and concentrates on particular titles and studies denoted to South Bohemian regionalism. The second chapter focuses on Jaromír Malý´s life story. It depicts his studies as a term of his life and subsequent carrier in Prague, as well as relationship to his family and wife particularly. This chapter includes an analysis of letters sent by Jaromír Malý from concentration camps in Germany, in which he forcibly resided. The third chapter aims to describe his journalistic work and brings an analysis of his work done for Progressive students magazine and Progressive revue. The fourth chapter endeavours to introduce Jaromír Malý´s work in periodicals, especially the work for a local magazine Otavan. The fifth chapter is focused on a local club Prácheň, one of which founders Jaromír Malý was. In the sixth chapter Jaromír Malý´s opinion on a role of the southern Bohemia in the czech countries is given. The seventh chapter brings a description of so called cultural world of Jaromír Malý. On the basis of his archival fund which passed down fortunately, many important persons he met or kept in touch are mentioned. Beside this, the chapter brings a basic summary of his participation in cultural events and membership in various societies. The last but one chapter shows Jaromír Malý´s most favourite interest, i.e. collecting ex libris. The last chapter summarizes significance of Jaromír Malý. At the end of the thesis, there is a list of explored literature and a list of attachements. The attachments are composed of list of articles which Jaromír Malý wrote for respective magazines, list of his studies and papers that were issued separately, list of the most important dates connected to Jaromír Malý and his life, and pictures as well. In these pictures, Jaromír Malý is depicted in various stages of his life. There are also his birth certificate, school reports, invitations to cultural events, ex libris, Jaromír Malý´s death notification and several pieces of correspondence with his friends and family.

Progressive rod-cone degeneration (PRCD) is the late form of progressive retinal atrophy (PRA). It is an autosomal recessive hereditary retinal defect. This disease in dogs is consistent with one form of retinitis pigmentosa (RP) in humans. Phenotypic manifestations are identical and it is known to be an identical causal mutation. A study of this defect in dogs could also explain a lot in human medicine. The gene for PRCD was mapped in the region of centromer of the canine chromosome 9 (CFA9). In this thesis, genotyping of 120 dogs of different breeds and age was performed. Most represented a breed of English Cocker Spaniel which is predisposed to the disease. Analysis PRA-PRCD was performed by molecular genetic methods PCR-RFLP and the horizontal agarose electrophoresis. Genotypes were determined on the basis of different fragment lengths. The normal allele was 396 bp in length and the mutated allele had a length of 116 bp. Presence of mutated allele was only detected in 25 heterozygotes carriers which were usually breeds with this predisposition. Frequency of the mutated allele was 10.4 %. In the selected population 20.8 % of heterozygotes were represented. The results of the study show approximately one fifth of the tested dogs are heterozygous carriers. Findings of other studies confirm there are generally more heterozygotes than homozygotes in which the disease is manifested during life. However, if this fact is not clearly taken in consideration, the number of sick dogs can rapidly increase during short period of time. In the future, it would be appropriate to adopt measures which would definitely eliminate the occurrence of the mutated allele. These measures could include genetic tests that reliably reveal hidden carriers (heterozygotes) in predisposing breeds. Heterozygotes may increase the representation of this allele in the population. This leads to an increase in the number of diseased animals.

This dissertation is a case study of The Coalition of Progressive Electors (COPE), a municipal political party in Vancouver, British Columbia. Founded in 1968, COPE claims to represent a coming together of "ordinary citizens" united around a programme of people's needs. In direct opposition to its chief political opponent, the corporatesponsored Non-Partisan Association (NPA), COPE has attempted to articulate the diverse issues and objectives of progressive movements within the civic electoral arena. Following a neo-Gramscian approach, the research highlights both the internal and external challenges confronting COPE throughout the party's long history in Vancouver politics. A neo-Gramscian perspective emphasizes the process of coalition-formation—that is, the creation of a broadly inclusive and widely endorsed counter-hegemonic project. In the advanced capitalist democracies, the task of building electoral coalitions has generally been taken up by political parties that have either tried to gain the active support of social movements, or dismissed their concerns as unwelcome 'distractions' from the main goal of winning state power. However, as the limitations of conventional party politics became increasingly apparent, and as new social movements began to challenge established political boundaries, many experiments in constructing a "new" kind of party have taken place. I have examined COPE as an instance of a "new politics" or movement-oriented party. My research focuses on COPE's efforts to articulate the aims of "new" and "old" political agendas, and to adopt a new social movement style within the realm of electoral politics, thereby serving as a counter-hegemonic vehicle within the local political context. The analysis begins with a review of the concrete practices and experiences of several exemplary movement-oriented parties in various political settings. Based on this literature, the conceptual framework of the study is narrowed to a focus on the content of political debate and the style of political action expected of a movement-party. The COP case study is also situated within the political-economic context of Vancouver's development as a post-Fordist "global city." Systematic examination of COPE's archival documents, observation of the group, and interviews with COPE members reveal that, in its present form, COPE does not rise to the status of a counter-hegemonic force in Vancouver politics, although its particular experience is instructive. Analysis of COPE underscores the necessity of coalition-building around multiple issues and identities, and the need to reconceive the notion of politics to include both electoral and extra-parliamentary struggles. An examination of COPE's historical evolution also points to the need for a greater degree of political flexibility in order to effectively respond to the limits and possibilities presented by specific historical moments. In a post-Fordist era, COPE's electoral appeals to "working people" or "ordinary people" assume a homogeneity among progressive movements that is belied by interrelated processes of economic polarization and political demobilization/exclusion, as well as by the social diversity of the global city. A post-Fordist counter-hegemonic project requires a vision and a political strategy capable of bridging the gaps between disparate interests and movements. / Arts, Faculty of / Sociology, Department of / Graduate

Magisterská práce se zabývá stochastickou optimalizací síťových úloh. Teoretická část pokrývá tři témata - teorii grafů, optimalizaci a progressive hedging algoritmus. V rámci optimalizace je hlavní část věnována stochastickému programování a dvoustupňovému programování. Progressing hedging algoritmus zahrnuje také metodu přiřazování scénářů a modifikaci obecného algoritmu na dvou stupňové úlohy. Praktická část je věnována modelům na reálných datech z oblasti svozu odpadu v rámci České republiky. Data poskytl Ústav procesního inženýrství.

Stochastické programování a optimalizace jsou mocnými nástroji pro řešení široké škály inženýrských problémů zahrnujících neurčitost. Algoritmus progressive hedging je efektivní dekompoziční metoda určená pro řešení scénářových stochastických úloh. Z důvodu vertikální dekompozice je možno tento algoritmus implementovat paralelně, čímž lze významně ušetřit výpočetní čas a ostatní prostředky. Teoretická část této diplomové práce se zabývá matematickým a zejména pak stochastickým programováním a detailně popisuje algoritmus progressive hedging. V praktické části je navržena a diskutována původní paralelní implementace algoritmu progressive hedging, která je pak otestována na jednoduchých úlohách. Dále je uvedená paralelní implementace použita pro řešení inženýrského problému plynulého odlévání ocelové bramy a na závěr jsou získané výsledky zhodnoceny.