The biblical Hebrew D stem (piel) seems to be inconsistent from verb to verb, both in its meaning and in its relationship to the G stem (qal). For example, the D stem has a higher valency than the G stem for some verbs (e.g., קדשׁ G ‘to be holy’, D ‘to make holy’), whereas for other verbs, the G and D stems seem to be interchangeable (e.g., שׁבר־1 can be glossed ‘to break’ in both the G and D stems). The dominant explanation for this is by Waltke and O’Connor (1990), who draw upon earlier work by Jenni (1968) and Goetze (1942). They posit that the D stem is factitive/resultative, meaning that it describes the subject causing a passive undersubject to enter a state without describing the process. Thus שׁבר־1, which means ‘to break’ (process) in the G stem, means ‘to make broken’ (resultative) in the D stem. By developing criteria to detect this distinction and by examining every occurrence of every verb in the Hebrew Bible, we found that the D stem has a process meaning far more often than a resultative meaning, contrary to Waltke and O’Connor’s hypothesis. Furthermore, their hypothesis cannot explain verbs that lack a direct object in the D stem. As an alternate explanation, Kouwenberg (1997, 2010) argued that the D stem originally expressed verbal intensity but then developed a variety of meanings, including verbal plurality and high semantic transitivity. In addition to having cross-linguistic support, this hypothesis also passed all three tests that we devised regarding its use in the Hebrew Bible: (1) The D stem adds an agent only to verbs that have low semantic transitivity in the G stem. (2) For verbs with roughly the same meaning in the D and G stems, the D stem is more likely in contexts that have high verbal plurality or (3) high semantic transitivity. Nevertheless, the difference in likelihood is often slight. Furthermore, the flexibility of Kouwenberg’s explanation makes it difficult to falsify, even in theory. Therefore, the level of support for Kouwenberg’s hypothesis is modest. / Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations

In this dissertation I examine the various ways Athenians of several periods of antiquity purposefully reused stone artifacts, objects, and buildings in order to shape their own and their descendants’ collective ideas about their community’s past and its bearing on the present and future. I develop the concept of “upcycling” to refer to this intentionally meaningful reuse, where evidence is preserved of an intentionality behind the decision to re-employ a particular object in a particular new context, often with implications for the shared memory of a group. My investigation makes use of archaeological, literary, and epigraphical evidence to connect seemingly disparate cases of meaningful reuse within a long chronological span, treating the city of Athens as a continuously evolving cultural community. By taking a wide view of reuse with a focus on intentionality and visibility, I fruitfully re-examine some well known cases like the North Acropolis Wall, constructed largely of material from the temples destroyed by the Persians in 480 BCE, and the “itinerant” Temple of Ares, moved from the deme of Pallene into the heart of the Agora in the late 1st century BCE, in conjunction with other case studies including the reuse of the Mycenaean Bastion beneath the Classical Sanctuary of Athena Nike at the entrance to the Acropolis, the preservation of Archaic statues burnt by the Persians and described by Pausanias in the 2nd century CE, the repeated renewal of the Monument of the Eponymous Heroes in the Agora, a group of Classical and Hellenistic portrait statues on the Acropolis rededicated to Roman honorands in the Early Roman period, and the 3rd-century CE Post-Herulian Wall, traditionally dismissed as a typically Late Antique spolia-construction. After an introductory chapter establishing upcycling as a new approach to studying reused material culture, I organize the cases I treat by the level of visibility of the reuse and the correlate effect on social memory I identify. First is a chapter focusing on reuse that accentuates or actively displays the upcycled material in its new context. Next is a group of cases involving reuse that is more subtly visible, where the act of upcycling perpetuates and preserves social memory by making the reused object blend in more or less seamlessly with its surrounding context. In the following chapter I examine cases where the act of reuse itself was meant to be invisible, having the effect, I argue, of altering existing social memory. The final chapter comprises a chronological synthesis and a discussion of the role of upcycling within broader efforts of memory construction at Athens, concluding that reusing physical remains of the past played a key role in the clusters of memory projects that occurred in periods of profound and challenging social or political transformation. In establishing upcycling as a distinct phenomenon of intentionally meaningful reuse, this study offers a process- and agency-focused alternative to the traditional discourses on spolia and reuse, and identifies a crucial component within the overall “work of memory” within a community. Through this interdisciplinary approach, I have identified a vital practice through which Athenians shaped social memory in the physical realm, literally building their history into their city. / Classics

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Imagine finding yourself and a group of thousands of fellow citizens stranded in the middle of a strange country, thousands of kilometres away from home. You have just lost your military leader in a battle. You have no provisions and little hope of finding any. There are no maps available and none of you have knowledge as to what type of terrain lies ahead. To complicate matters, you are surrounded by the army of the King whose territory you came to conquer. You are badly outnumbered and you have no cavalry to support you. This is exactly the situation in which the Ten Thousand found themselves in 401 B.C. The account of the courage and success of the Ten Thousand is told by Xenophon in his Anabasis. While much has been written in terms of literary criticism of Xenophon and his Anabasis, not much has been produced regarding the actual logistics of the retreat of the Ten Thousand. The purpose of this thesis is to address that lack by examining one aspect of the Anabasis, namely, the provisioning of the Ten Thousand. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

The primary sources contain substantial evidence that contraception and abortion were common methods of birth control during the early Roman Empire. The medical, legal, and literary source texts support the notion that chemical means were most often resorted to. An analysis of the modern scholarship on the topic does not necessarily reflect this. Contrary to the opinions of earlier scholars, modern research has revealed that many of the contraceptives and abortifacients used by the Romans were efficacious. Despite this, the belief persists that dangerous surgical procedures were commonly used as a method of birth control. A reevaluation of these texts in conjunction with other source material has lead to conclusions that are not in accord with those contained in the prevailing modern scholarship.

This thesis aims to ascertain whether or not the phenomenon known as creolization played a role in the emergence of the Romance language from Latin. Creolization and normal language change differ in terms of their respective effects upon inflectional morphology: normal language change yields morphological loss and morphological creation through grammaticization. Creolization cause inflectional morphology to be severely reduced. Thus, the hypothesis tested would predict that the transition from Latin to Romance would involve an unusually high degree of morphological loss and an absence of creation of new inflectional morphology. Comparison with another language, whose external history precludes its having been creolized, Greek, is used to ascertain whether Romance shows an unusual pattern of morphological loss.. Comparison is first made between the fate of Latin nominal declension in Romance and Classical Greek declension in Modern Greek. It is found that declension was almost wholly eliminated in Romance but is preserved largely unscathed in Modern Greek. A similar fate befell adjectival declension. Likewise, the synthetic comparatives and superlatives of Latin did not survive into Romance, but those of Classical Greek survived into Modern Greek. Comparison of the two verb systems yields a similar result: whereas Romance severely reduced Latin verbal morphology (most importantly, the passive), Modern Greek has preserved the greater part of Classical Greek verbal morphology unscathed. If one adds to this a complete absence of any morphological creation in the emerging Romance languages, one is forced to conclude that creolization must indeed have played a role in the history of Romance. In conclusion, some examination is made of other alleged instances of creole-influenced language change, all of which are found wanting: some suggestions are made regarding methodology. Likewise, the implications of this conclusion, to linguists and especially Romance linguists, are presented.

This thesis consists of a commented translation of an excerpt from a ninth century C.E. letter by the celebrated Arabic translator Hunayn Ibn Ishaq. The epistle is addressed to one of his patrons, 'Ali ibn Yahya, and gives an account of the works of the Greek physician Galen as well as their translations. The thesis is divided into three parts. Part One provides a historical background to the translation, and is subdivided into two sections: (1) Hunayn Ibn Ishaq (his life, his achievements); (2) Hunayn's fellow translators and patrons mentioned in the epistle. Part Two comprises the Arabic text (Source Text), about 5,000 words, and its English translation (Target Text). Part Three consists of a theoretical discussion of the problems of translating this letter. In the first section of that part, we explain the purpose and style of our translation. We also analyze some of the main differences between Arabic and English textuality (e.g. cohesion), and discuss translation difficulties of different types, namely interpretive (e.g. polysemy) and terminological (e.g. synonymy). In Section Two, we expound Hunayn's own method of research and views on translation. Finally, we summarize the main conclusions that we draw from the epistle, and from its translation. For the convenience of the reader, a glossary of proper names is provided at the beginning of the thesis. We include as appendices three samples from various translations of the letter. Given the different nature of the three parts of this thesis, the bibliographical references are arranged under three headings, each corresponding to a part. An index of names and subjects appears at the very end.

Par ce travail de recherche, j'ai tente de reunir les donnees necessaires pour brosser un tableau vraisemblable, sur le plan historique, de la condition personnelle et sociale d'un licteur romain, entre le Ier siecle av. notre ere et la fin du IIe siecle de notre ere. Nous manquons encore de donnees sur la mobilite sociale et la condition personnelle des tranches intermediaires de la population romaine. J'ai entrepris cette etude pour essayer d'apporter une modeste contribution a la connaissance de cet aspect encore flou. Le licteur, qui entre dans la categorie des appariteurs, differe toutefois des autres employes de l'administration publique (viateurs, herauts et scribes notamment) parce que pour les auteurs romains, il est d'abord et avant tout le symbole de l'imperium. Cet aspect a ete abondamment etudie par les chercheurs modernes, mais jusqu'a present, peu d'historiens se sont interesses au personnage qui se cache derriere le symbole, a l'homme, au "fonctionnaire". Qui devenait licteur? Pourquoi et comment devenait-on licteur? Dans quelles conditions un licteur exercait-il son metier? S'agissait-il d'un "metier" au sens habituel du terme? Le licteur pouvait-il s'interesser a d'autres activites? Quelle etait la place du licteur dans la societe romaine? J'ai exploite le materiel epigraphique, les sources litteraires et, dans une mesure moindre, les temoignages iconographiques pour tenter d'apporter des reponses a ces questions. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)