The School of the Americas (SOA), currently known as the Western Hemisphere Institute for Security Cooperation (WHINSEC), is a Latin American training program run by the U.S. army since 1946. While the U.S. claimed they were training young men to serve as security personnel for South America, the trainees were often violent, acting more like CIA-trained terrorists, killing innocent people and serving as leaders in some of the worst South American dictatorial regimes. Most of these regimes heavily utilized rape as a key tactic of repression rising to the level of genocide, such as reported by other researches in both the Peruvian and Guatemalan civil wars where rape was used by SOA graduates against Indigenous populations to physically and psychologically damage the populace. While the functions of rape in civil conflicts have been identified by research and witnessed in the actions of SOA graduates, I find hesitant evidence that sexual assault was a legitimate torture and counterinsurgency tool taught at the SOA.

Abstract not available

This study analyzes the leadership qualities of Joseph McCarthy and the rhetorical qualities of agitative and control forces in a specific social movement. The methods used are founded upon various theories outlined by sociologists, historians, and rhetoricians. This investigation is organized around the climate of the times, McCarthy's leadership development, agitative strategies, control group responses, and support and opposition groups. It was found that the movement's success was probably due to McCarthy's position of attack and offense and to the control group's failure to neither strongly confront McCarthy nor to maintain its preparedness and superiority. It is theorized that had the control group engaged earlier in strategies other than adjustment and avoidance, the movement might have been halted sooner.

The following study traces the history of fundamental political resistance to Communism in the Soviet Occupied Zone/German Democratic Republic from 1945 to 1955. The two most tangible manifestations of this form of resistance are dealt with: actions of members of the non-Marxist parties before being co-opted into the Communist system, and the popular uprising on 17 June 1953. In both manifestations, the state's abuse of basic rights of its citizens---such as freedom of speech and personal legal security---played a dominant role in motivation to resist. / This study argues that the 17 June uprising was an act of fundamental resistance which aimed to remove the existing political structures in the German Democratic Republic. By examining the Soviet Occupied Zone and German Democratic Republic from 1945 to 1955, it becomes clear that there existed in the population a basic rejection of the Communist system which was entwined with the regime's disregard for basic rights. Protestors on 17 June 1953 demonstrated for the release of political prisoners, and voiced political demands similar to those which had been raised by oppositional members of the non-Marxist parties in the German Democratic Republic prior to their being forced into line. The organized political resistance in the non-Marxist parties represented "Resistance with the People" (Widerstand mit Volk).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--American University, 1963. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 164-166).

Orientadora: Profª. Drª. Maria Gabriela Silva Martins da Cunha Marinho / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Federal do ABC, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Ciências Humanas e Sociais, Santo André, 2018. / A implantação das universidades no Brasil se fez de forma tardia e a partir de projetos gestados pela elite intelectual, mas a literatura em torno da formulação e execução destes projetos tem dedicado atenção pontual aos compromissos e alianças políticas dos grupos que assumiram, em diferentes níveis e escalas, o processo de implantação de tais instituições. No caso da Universidade de São Paulo, seu projeto de criação e implantação foi concebido sob a aura de um grupo considerado liberal, porém ao longo de sucessivas gestões emergiu no interior da instituição um círculo de professores e pesquisadores ¿ egressos da Faculdade de Direito - comprometidos com os regimes autoritários e a repressão política das ditaduras de 1937 e 1964. Esta pesquisa analisa trajetórias, vínculos e articulações políticas de docentes que em virtude de inserções sociais privilegiadas transitaram entre a Universidade de São Paulo, partidos políticos e o aparato repressivo, em distintas formas de colaboração com o processo de fechamento político por meio de dinâmicas de manutenção e concentração de poder. Um traço comum entre tais lideranças foram as convicções anticomunistas, aspecto que os uniu em uma órbita de interesses na qual circularam outros segmentos sociais. Trata-se de proposta que dialoga com os estudos renovados de História política, tangenciando a biografia política. / Thank to projects developed by the intellectual elite, universities were introduced in Brazil. Information about elaboration and execution of these projects have given special attention to political agreements and alliances among the groups responsible for these universities. As far as University of São Paulo is concerned, the project was conceived by a liberal group. Yet, along successive managements, a group of professionals commited to the 1937 and 1964 authoritarian regimes arose. The research aims to identify and analyse links, joint policies and paths followed by teachers of the university, political parties and governmental institutions which cooperated with the repressive apparatus at different times. A common featura among such leaderships was the anti-communist beliefs. The core of this research devotes itself to analysing such links inside and outside the university environment. This project focuses on how those groups gained and maintained positions inside the university based not on meritocracy but mainly due to privileged social integration. The analyses of their performance reveals their intense operation among the academic and political elites, interchanging their positions inside and outside the university, intending to maintain and concentrate power in different levels of state politics.

No description available.

Thesis submitted in fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Masters in History at the University of the Witwatersrand Johannesburg, South Africa 2017 / This dissertation examines and explains the underlying social, ideological and economic reasons why the white population of Ermelo gravitated to a politics of the extreme in the years 1960-1994. In contrast to commonly held views that the growth of ultraconservatism correlates neatly with economic trends this dissertation argues that ultraconservatism in Ermelo emerged due to varying complex and at times contradictory reasons. By examining white society at the time of conquest in the 1860s, it is argued that whites in this area formed racist views from the time of settlement as the commercial success of their newly acquired farmland was dependant on the exploitation of cheap black labour. The focus of this study is however, on the emergence of new ultraconservative political parties from the late 1960s to the early 1990s which formed in reaction to National Party and local political dynamics. It is argued that the bedrock of conservative views was moulded during the time of initial settlement, however, for various reasons throughout the years these views were held and propagated. This study is a local history of ultraconservatism in Ermelo and illuminates particularities in the town’s white politics within the context of profound changes in Afrikaner politics nationally. White working-class workers and farmers supported ultraconservatives while white business people supported the NP and their politics of reform. This dissertation made use of public and private archives as well as life history interviews with various long-time residents of the town. It is argued that although capitalism was the main motivator for ultraconservative views and politics in the mid 1800s, it was also capitalism that brought about reform and created a platform for negotiation in the 1990s when ultraconservative political parties threatened the peaceful transition into a democratic South Africa. / XL2018

This thesis explores new ideas for the foundations for state violence in Iraq by looking specifically at the outbreaks of spectacular violence during the Qasim Era (1958-1963). In order to frame the discussion, this study looks first at how the British established a model for state violence during the Monarchy period (1921-1958), which eventually both validated and radicalized the opposition parties. The second chapter examines the violence of the everyday in Iraq, and how the spectacular violence of the Qasim Era finds historical context within everyday violence and ritual. In the final chapter, this thesis discusses how the radicalized violence of the opposition parties melded with the violence of the everyday to create spectacular acts of ritualized violence. After the coup d’état of 8 February 1963, the Ba’ath Party institutionalized this radical new brand of violence, creating a foundation for the state violence to come under Saddam Hussein. This violence was experienced only by the Iraqi Communists at first, but was later experienced by the whole nation. / text

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Southern California, 2006. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 235-269).