The attention drawn towards tourism can often be misconstrued and underestimated duly to the difficulty of composing a definition that can be straightforward. Tourism as a sector is becoming more prominent globally, influencing social and economic sectors upon nations and regions. Hence, this research paper draws its attention to one of the developing world’s most dynamic economies where tourism plays a huge role – Thailand. The primary purpose of this study was to research the relationship between tourism in Thailand and economic growth by analysing the magnitude of effect. Simultaneously, investigating the contribution from the Association of Southeast Asian Nation (ASEAN) member states as our secondary focus. Our contribution to this field of research is the unique perspective of using monthly data instead of annual. The natural choice is to use Gross Domestic Product (GDP) as a measure of economic growth; however, it is only available on a quarterly or yearly basis. This then led us to use the Industrial Production Index (IPI) as a proxy of economic growth and as our regressand, with tourism arrivals from the World and the ASEAN as our main regressors. To be able to test this hypothesis we ran a Log-Log Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) Regression for the monthly timeline between 2011 and 2017. The findings show that the relationship between IPI and tourism arrivals postulated was indeed positive, as well as that ASEAN member states contribute a significant amount more than the World.

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This thesis aims to describe the two dynamics present in the maritime disputes of the South China Sea: the negotiation dynamic and the military dynamic. This thesis will focus on two aspects: first, the history of the confidence building measures in the South China Sea; and second, analysis of each relevant nations’ motivation for the current stage of the Southeast Asian military dynamic. The role of ARF in this process and the characteristics of the Track I and Track II diplomatic tools are analyzed along with its difficulties in progressing from the CBMs to preventive diplomacy (PD). The effects of the CBMs’ lack of progress on the current military power acquisitions of the South China Sea claimant states are objects of analysis as well. Within of the analysis of the confidence-building measures, this thesis also contemplates the role of China as the most important variable in the dispute. The second part of this thesis works with the connections between the developments of the South China Sea and the current military buildup in Southeast Asia. Aiming to identify the causes of the military dynamic, the thesis describe the current military capabilities of the main actors of the South China Sea disputes; namely China, Vietnam, Malaysia and the Philippines. Moreover, it provides a detailed description of the new equipment acquisitions and the impacts, in terms of the power capabilities, of these actors. A final analysis of the current panorama of the disputes is conducted, analyzing the key events between 2009 and 2010. This thesis concludes that the CBM’s efforts suffer from structural bottlenecks as the adamant adherence to the concept of sovereignty impedes the bloc’s advancement in the establishment of solutions for the maritime territorial disputes. The absence of diplomatic solutions has directly influenced the momentum of militarization in the Southeast Asia.

Thesis (M. Phil.)--University of Hong Kong, 2007. / Title proper from title frame. Also available in printed format.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Southern Illinois University at Carbondale, 2000. / Major Professor: Subhash C. Sharma. Includes bibliographical references.

This paper is tried to find out by neo-institutional view if there is China Threat theory or China Opportunity theory. And, it‟s researched interaction of ASEAN and China after Cold War by historic structure analysis, and tried to sum up the Political Economy interaction of ASEAN and China. Researching by historic structure analysis, the Political Economy of ASEAN-China Relations is from "close, separation, and then close." With the trend of globalization and regionalization, both sides understand the importance of cooperation. Besides, the process of institutional cooperation to benefit only care about whether transaction costs are saved, but not consider about self-benefit is more than others countries. Hence, from the point of the neo-institutionalism, there is no absolute China Threat theory or China Opportunity theory. Finally, it could help reduce fraud by the establishment of the system to make cooperation more effective, and reduce sense of mutual distrust. This argument is verified t in this paper.

On account of China¡¦s dynamic economic growth, its relations with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) states to its south have expanded rapidly in recent years, culminating in the conclusion of the landmark ¡§China-ASEAN Comprehensive Economic Cooperation Agreement¡¨ in 2002. Beyond trade and economic activities, China-ASEAN cooperation has been broadened to cover environment, science and technology, non-traditional security areas and related legal issues. Thus, China¡¦s relations with ASEAN have reached a new era where the two sides have established an economic, political and legal framework for their comprehensive cooperation. Of course, economic cooperation is most important in China-ASEAN relations. The most significant of the initiatives, in terms of members, is the China¡VASEAN Free Trade Area now under negotiation and will be established in 2010. If agreement is reached, this will be the world¡¦s biggest free trade area, encompassing 2 billion people, a collective GDP of almost US$2 trillion, and intra-regional trade of US$1.2 trillion. On the political aspect, China succeeded by means of the bilateral cooperation in economy and trade reached to sign the agreement of ¡§on Strategic Partnership for Peace and Prosperity¡¨ and ¡§Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea¡¨. China also accessed ¡§Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia¡¨ in 2003. These movements want to eliminate the ¡§China threaten¡¨ concepts which exist in the ASEAN countries. China, however, needs stable international environment to expand its economy. The aim of this dissertation is to examine the China¡¦s roles and strategies in the process of forming a new Asian regionalism. Currently, Ease Asia is witnessing the emergence of a few trade blocs and many ambitious projects implying closer integration in the region. According to the neo-realist perspective, regionalism is developing more full in those areas of the word where there is a local hegemonic power that is able to create and maintain regional institution. China to make use of regional hegemony offers the public goods stabilizing and developing its relations with ASEAN countries. On the basis of friendly neighboring diplomacy and peaceful rise, China and ASEAN will create free trade area, cooperate to achieve various kinds of sub-region developing, and initiate security mechanism (include the non-traditional security). China would like to build a ¡§China-ASEAN regionalism¡¨ by means of comprehensive cooperation in the future.

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Abstract This thesis ¡§the Cooperation Partnership between China and ASEAN in the Post-Cold War Era¡¨ is analyzed mainly by functionism approach. By facing the new international situation, namely globalization, China continues to pursue economic modernization. China¡¦s modernization was, is and will be a positive factor for regional stability and economic growth in Asia. At the same time, ASEAN have strong interest in China¡¦s successive economic reform. In this context, China and ASEAN underscored their commitments to handling their cooperation partnership in accordance with the principles of mutual benefits and equality, and agree to promote dialogue for the possibility to establish a free trade area between ASEAN and China. If the cooperation partnership in economic integration does work successively and can spill-over to political cooperation, China and ASEAN will be in the near future as major power to shape the new order in Asia.

The disputed territorial claims in the South China Sea have become a complicated and potential source of international conflict, which involves disputes over sovereignty in the South China Sea, maritime borders, and resources. The claimants include regional countries such as, Taiwan, Mainland China, Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia, and Brunei as well as the United States and Japan, which are outside of the region. The level of attention to the South China Sea issues has increased due to its important strategic location and critical sea-lanes. Moreover, discovery of rich yields of hydrocarbon has drawn the interest of many regional countries, and thus, lead to periodic conflicts. The regulations of the 1982 UN Convention on the Law of the Sea made claimants scramble to reinforce their maritime border claims of and caused disputes due to overlapping territories. Mainland China, a newly developing regional power, believes that the sovereignty of the South China Sea belongs to it based on historical or legal status. China displays great ambition and intention toward claiming sovereignty in the South China Sea because of its strategic needs, demands for resources needed for economic growth and development, and persistence in reinforcing its sovereignty. It uses its authoritarian power to intervene disputes, which results in heightened tensions. This research paper discusses the strategies and approaches adopted by Mainland China to handle disputes involving the South China Sea. The two themes discussed in this study include the influential factors of ASEAN, the United States and Japan toward the disputes of the South China Sea and the resolution that Mainland China uses to deal with such disputes.