The British Unitarians, a "sect everywhere spoken against" said Joseph Priestley, were a small, highly educated, financially respectable, politically aggressive and articulate denomination, which exerted an influence far beyond what their numbers ordinarily would command. They possessed an unbounded enthusiasm for reform and took part in almost every movement for social justice, one of which was particularly attractive to them the antislavery movement. Sadly, much of what they wrote and tried to accomplish has been ignored by scholars. This study is the story of their involvement in the thirty years war against the "master sin of the world" andndash; American slavery. In eight chapters, the thesis focuses on the antislavery writings opinions, and contributions of the British Unitarians, particularly a group of abolitionist stalwarts called Garrisonians. It also describes their racial views as revealed in their writings and in their conduct towards black people; and it describes their attitudes towards the American Civil War. The thesis is based on extensive manuscript, pamphlet, and periodical material, much of which has not been previously utilized in historical and religious monographs. The thesis makes several observations. The British Unitarians in their antislavery activity were devoted to the common welfare of the human race, to racial tolerance, and to participation in reform as an ecumenical endeavor. Their motivations for antislavery reform in particular, and reform in general, arose out of a liberal theology which sought to prove its moral superiority; a minority status and consciousness which sought acceptance; a strange and surprising evangelical warmth (typical of only some Unitarians and alien to the denomination as a body) that fired an emotive drive against social evils; a capitalist ideology that believed in a liberating progress; a political philosophy that favored freedom, honesty, and benevolence in government; a nationalism within an internationalism that proclaimed England's manifest destiny to be the protection and encouragement of human liberty at home and abroad; and a familial attachment to the members of their faith and reformers of their persuasion that was mutually supportive and rewarding. This study seeks to prove that the nineteenth century Unitarians are worthy of scholarly investigation and analysis, and suggests that the study of their motivation, commitment, vitality, and perseverance in the fight against American slavery can enhance our understanding of the role of religion in reform.

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This paper focuses on the Secret Six who consisted of Theodore Parker, Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Franklin Benjamin Sanborn, Samuel Gridley Howe, George Luther Stearns, and Gerrit Smith, and the concepts that these men believed in regarding the type of society they wanted established in the United States. The dominant theme in the minds of this Secret Six was the romantic belief in the free individual. The belief in the free individual living in a free, progressive society held out the promise that America could become a perfect community of autonomous individuals and an example for all the world. But the Secret Six realized that for America to be this perfect community of autonomous individuals, America had to be freed of any determinism in its institutions. These six crusaders had such faith in their theories of individualism, that they abandoned moral persuasion and accepted violence as the principal means of establishing their society. These men believed that only the type of an individual who was willing to use violence if necessary and to die for the dictates of his conscience, could reform America into a community that exemplified to the world a belief in the free individual.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:32:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jose Maia Bezerra Neto.pdf: 33896770 bytes, checksum: c5af6578d1daedfc08a928469dcb3e2b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-10-27 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Between the decades of 1850 and 1880, in the province of Pará, Empire of Brazil, several antislavery and emancipationist societies were founded. At that time, antislavery societies proclaimed themselves against slavery, not necessarily encompassing an abolitionist or emancipationist thought. Emancipationist societies were characterized by the proposition of a gradual emancipation of slavery, and the recognition of slave owners property rights. From the 1880s onwards, however, several abolitionists groups were founded, which proposed an immediate abolition of slave work, even objecting any property right over the slaves. That does not mean that emancipationist and abolitionist were clearly distinct. On the contrary, this dissertation explores the connections between both trends, even if they represented different solutions for the so called Questão Servil . This dissertation considers both emancipationist and abolitionist societies as a place of political struggle, including different viewpoints and conflicts within these two perspectives, as well as those shared by different groups of free men and slaves. This was because the limit of the abolition of the slavery in Brazil was gradualism, which blurred the distinctions between emancipationists and abolitionist. Moreover, the strength of gradualism as part of a conservative mentality was not restricted to the elites. Therefore, even if on 13 May 1888 slavery was unconditionally abolished and without any financial compensation, abolitionism did not prevail as a wide social reforms program / Durante as décadas de 1850 a 1880, na província do Pará, Império do Brasil, existiram sociedades antiescravistas e emancipadoras. As primeiras em oposição à escravidão, sem necessariamente adotar uma postura emancipacionista ou abolicionista; as últimas com práticas e propostas de emancipação gradual da escravidão, caracterizadas pelo respeito ao direito de propriedade dos senhores. Na década de 1880, para além das sociedades emancipadoras, já aparecem algumas sociedades autodenominadas abolicionistas cujas práticas e propostas visavam abolir de imediato o trabalho escravo questionando o direito de propriedade senhorial. O que não quer dizer que as práticas emancipadoras e abolicionistas fossem feito água e óleo, pelo contrário. Nesta tese demonstramos os seus imbricamentos, ainda que encaminhamentos distintos da chamada Questão Servil. Nesta tese, a partir do estudo das práticas e propostas das diversas sociedades emancipadoras e abolicionistas percebo o emancipacionismo e abolicionismo como espaços de luta, compreendendo as diversas posições em disputa no interior desses movimentos, inclusive aquelas compartilhadas por diversos segmentos livres e escravos. E que, apesar das diferenças, o gradualismo foi o limite da abolição da escravidão no Brasil, o que muitas vezes torna confuso a distinção entre emancipadores e abolicionistas, da mesma forma que a força do gradualismo como parte de uma mentalidade conservadora não necessariamente se limitava ao universo das elites. Daí, mesmo quando em 13 de Maio de 1888 fora abolida a escravidão sem condições e nem indenização aos senhores, sendo extinto o regime jurídico da escravidão, não se consumou o abolicionismo como um amplo programa de reformas sociais

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Text in Afrikaans / Executions were discontinued during November 1989. In February 1990 the State President announced a moratorium on executions. Since 27 July 1990 the Criminal Law Amendment Act, 1990 effected important changes to the substantive law and procedure regarding the death sentence. The "new" death sentence dispensation was applied by the courts and the moratorium would be lifted as soon as the new dispensation became effective. That never materialised. The death sentence issue was dealt with in a game of political compromise. Criminal law and the esteem of the Government suffered as a result. Judicial frustration and uncertainty developed regarding application of the death sentence. The opportunity was seized by the abolitionists to attain their ideal. The Constitutional Court declared the death sentence unconstitutional. Presently a final Constitution is being drafted which will probably finally do away with the death sentence. An effective process of denigration of the death sentence thus resulted from the moratorium on executions. / Teregstellings is gedurende November 1989 gestaak. Op 2 Februarie 1990 het die Staatspresident 'n moratorium op teregstellings afgekondig. Vanaf 27 Julie 1990 het die Strafregwysigingswet, 1990, belangrike verstellings aan die materiele en prosessuele reg met betrekking tot die doodvonnis gemaak. Die "nuwe" doodvonnisbedeling is deur die howe toegepas. Die moratorium sou opgehef word sodra die "nuwe bedeling" op dreef was. Dit het nie gebeur nie. 'n Spel van kornprornie-politiek random die doodvonniskwessie het horn afgespeel. Die strafregpleging en die Regering se aansien het daaronder gely. Regterlike frustrasie het posgevat en regsonsekerheid oar die toepassing van die doodvonnis het ontstaan. Die geleentheid is deur die afskaffers aangegryp om hul ideaal te verwesenlik. Die Konstitusionele Hof het die doodvonnis ongrondwetlik verklaar. Tans word 'n finale Grondwet geskryf wat waarskynlik die doodvonnis gaan afskaf. 'n Effektiewe proses van aftakeling van die doodvonnis het dus sedert die moratorium op teregstellings plaasgevind. / Criminal & Procedural Law / LL. M.

Text in Afrikaans / Executions were discontinued during November 1989. In February 1990 the State President announced a moratorium on executions. Since 27 July 1990 the Criminal Law Amendment Act, 1990 effected important changes to the substantive law and procedure regarding the death sentence. The "new" death sentence dispensation was applied by the courts and the moratorium would be lifted as soon as the new dispensation became effective. That never materialised. The death sentence issue was dealt with in a game of political compromise. Criminal law and the esteem of the Government suffered as a result. Judicial frustration and uncertainty developed regarding application of the death sentence. The opportunity was seized by the abolitionists to attain their ideal. The Constitutional Court declared the death sentence unconstitutional. Presently a final Constitution is being drafted which will probably finally do away with the death sentence. An effective process of denigration of the death sentence thus resulted from the moratorium on executions. / Teregstellings is gedurende November 1989 gestaak. Op 2 Februarie 1990 het die Staatspresident 'n moratorium op teregstellings afgekondig. Vanaf 27 Julie 1990 het die Strafregwysigingswet, 1990, belangrike verstellings aan die materiele en prosessuele reg met betrekking tot die doodvonnis gemaak. Die "nuwe" doodvonnisbedeling is deur die howe toegepas. Die moratorium sou opgehef word sodra die "nuwe bedeling" op dreef was. Dit het nie gebeur nie. 'n Spel van kornprornie-politiek random die doodvonniskwessie het horn afgespeel. Die strafregpleging en die Regering se aansien het daaronder gely. Regterlike frustrasie het posgevat en regsonsekerheid oar die toepassing van die doodvonnis het ontstaan. Die geleentheid is deur die afskaffers aangegryp om hul ideaal te verwesenlik. Die Konstitusionele Hof het die doodvonnis ongrondwetlik verklaar. Tans word 'n finale Grondwet geskryf wat waarskynlik die doodvonnis gaan afskaf. 'n Effektiewe proses van aftakeling van die doodvonnis het dus sedert die moratorium op teregstellings plaasgevind. / Criminal and Procedural Law / LL. M.

This thesis explores the late-eighteenth-century movement to end Britain’s transatlantic slave trade through recovering one of the major discourses in favour of abolition, namely that of the evangelical Anglicans. This important intellectual milieu has often been ignored in academia and is discovered through examining the sermons, hymns, and prayers of three influential leaders in this movement: Member of Parliament William Wilberforce, pastor and hymn writer John Newton, and pastor and professor Charles Simeon. Their oral texts reveal that at the heart of their discourse lies the doctrine of Atonement. On this foundation these abolitionists primarily built a vocabulary not of human rights, but of public duty. This duty was both to care for the destitute as individuals and to protect their nation as a whole because they believed that God was the defender of the enslaved and that he would bring providential judgement on those nations that ignored their plight. For the British evangelicals, abolishing the slave trade was not merely a means to avoid impending judgement, but also part of a broader project to prepare the way for Jesus’s imminent return through advancing the work of reconciliation between humankind and God as they believed themselves to be confronting evil in all of its forms. By reconfiguring the evangelical abolitionist arguments within their religious framework and social contexts, this thesis helps overcome the dissonance that separates our world from theirs and makes accessible the eighteenth-century abolitionist discourse of a campaign that continues to resonate with human rights activists and scholars of social change in the twenty-first-century.

This thesis explores the late-eighteenth-century movement to end Britain’s transatlantic slave trade through recovering one of the major discourses in favour of abolition, namely that of the evangelical Anglicans. This important intellectual milieu has often been ignored in academia and is discovered through examining the sermons, hymns, and prayers of three influential leaders in this movement: Member of Parliament William Wilberforce, pastor and hymn writer John Newton, and pastor and professor Charles Simeon. Their oral texts reveal that at the heart of their discourse lies the doctrine of Atonement. On this foundation these abolitionists primarily built a vocabulary not of human rights, but of public duty. This duty was both to care for the destitute as individuals and to protect their nation as a whole because they believed that God was the defender of the enslaved and that he would bring providential judgement on those nations that ignored their plight. For the British evangelicals, abolishing the slave trade was not merely a means to avoid impending judgement, but also part of a broader project to prepare the way for Jesus’s imminent return through advancing the work of reconciliation between humankind and God as they believed themselves to be confronting evil in all of its forms. By reconfiguring the evangelical abolitionist arguments within their religious framework and social contexts, this thesis helps overcome the dissonance that separates our world from theirs and makes accessible the eighteenth-century abolitionist discourse of a campaign that continues to resonate with human rights activists and scholars of social change in the twenty-first-century.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / As white settlers and pioneers moved westward in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, some of the first to settle the Indiana territory, near the Ohio border, were members of the Religious Society of Friends (the Quakers). Many of these Quakers focused on social reforms, especially the anti-slavery movement, as they fled the slave-holding states like the Carolinas. Less discussed in Indiana’s history is the impact Quakerism also had in the movement for women’s rights. This case study of two of the founding members of the Indiana Woman’s Rights Association (later to be renamed the Indiana Woman’s Suffrage Association), illuminates the influences of Quakerism on women’s rights. Amanda M. Way (1828-1914) and Mary Frame (Myers) Thomas, M.D. (1816-1888) practiced skills and gained opportunities for organizing a grassroots movement through the Religious Society of Friends. They attained a strong sense of moral grounding, skills for conducting business meetings, and most importantly, developed a confidence in public speaking uncommon for women in the nineteenth century. Quakerism propelled Way and Thomas into action as they assumed early leadership roles in the women’s rights movement. As advocates for greater equality and freedom for women, Way and Thomas leveraged the skills learned from Quakerism into political opportunities, resource mobilization, and the ability to frame their arguments within other ideological contexts (such as temperance, anti-slavery, and education).