Devant le déclenchement des hostilités entre le FPR et les FAR en 1990, l'organisation des Nations Unies à la demande des deux parties, choisit de s'impliquer directement. Mais l'intervention de l'ONU et l'envoi des casques bleus qui survient après la signature des Accords d'Arusha de 1993 afin d'accompagner lesdits accords, n'arrête cependant pas la montée des violences et de l'extrémisme Hutu. Les différentes résolutions du Conseil de sécurité, loin d'accorder plus de pouvoir aux casques bleus, créent au contraire une situation d'immobilisme général, favorisant au printemps 1994 la reprise des combats et le génocide des Tutsi et des Hutu modérés. Le drame humanitaire que connaît le Rwanda pendant et après les affrontements et les massacres, nous interpelle sur le véritable rôle des Nations Unies dans la gestion de ce conflit, et plus généralement dans le monde de l'après guerre froide. / Before the outbreak of hostilities between the RPF and the FAR in 1990, the United Nations became directly involved after both parties asked it to arbitrate the conflict. But the intervention of the UN and the deployment of peacekeepers that came after the agreement of Arusha in 1993 in order to accompany the agreements did not stop violence and the rise of Hutu extremism yet. The various resolutions of the UN Security Council, far from granting more power to peacekeepers, instead created a situation of stagnation favoring the resumption of fights in 1994 and the genocide of Tutsi and moderate Hutu. The humanitarian tragedy facing Rwanda during and after the clashes and massacres appeals us on the proper role of the United Nations in the management of this conflict in particular, and in the post-cold war world in general.

Les accords environnementaux sont des conventions entre les entreprises et les autorités publiques utilisées comme des alternatives à la réglementation environnementale. Ces instruments ont été créés par les administrations nationales dans les années 1980 pour négocier la régulation de l'impact environnemental des entreprises et de leurs produits. L'utilisation de ces instruments s'est ensuite répandue dans tous les pays de l'OCDE et en particulier dans les États membres de l'Union européenne. Puisque les administrations nationales sont chargées de l'exécution du droit communautaire, la migration des accords environnementaux des ordres juridiques nationaux au système juridique de l'Union européenne n'était qu'une question de temps. Ainsi, malgré le silence des Traités institutifs à leur sujet, les accords environnementaux sont devenus des instruments de l'administration européenne composée, utilisés au niveau national et au niveau communautaire. Cependant, ce nouvel instrument, intégré sans modification des Traités, soulève des questions juridiques multiples et complexes. Les auteurs des accords les utilisent-ils dans le respect du système juridique de l'Union ? Quel est l'impact de ces instruments sur l'évolution de l'administration européenne et au-delà, sur l'ordre juridique communautaire ? Quelle est leur nature juridique ? Quelle est leur portée ? Comment sont-ils adoptés et contrôlés ? / Environmental agreements are legal arrangements between undertakings and public authorities, used as alternative instruments to environmental regulation. Environmental agreements were created by national administrations around the 1980s to negotiate the reduction of the environmental impact of companies or products. The use of these instruments spread in all OECD countries and especially in the Member States of the European Union. As the administrations of the Member States are responsible for the implementation of European law, the migration of environmental agreements from national legal orders to the European legal order was only a matter of time. Indeed, despite the silence of the European treaties, environmental agreements became instruments of the European administration, both at national and at European level. However, this new instrument, used without a modification of the European Treaties raises complex legal issues. Do the authors of environmental agreements respect the European legal order when using them? What is the impact of these instruments on European administration and beyond, on the European legal order? What are their legal nature and effects? How are they adopted, monitored and reviewed? This study, the first monograph focused on environmental agreements in the European legal order, finds answers to these questions by analyzing the relevant provisions, which restrain the leeway of environmental agreements authors but, at the same time, are interpreted by them to maintain their discretion as much as possible

The Basel III accord is the cornerstone of global financial reform efforts that seek to guard against the types of financial crisis seen in 2007/8. It requires banks to fund more of their activities with better-quality capital and, in so doing, attempts to assure that they are better able to absorb shocks that can lead to crises. However, capital requirements come with a range of costs, which could spark a slowdown in credit or a change in the types of lending banks engage in. This paper conducts a comprehensive literature review of theoretical and empirical studies of the impacts of previous Accords, Basel I and Basel II, and attempts to draw lessons on possible downside effects of the latest iteration of the Basel Accord. It proceeds in three parts. Part 1 explores the history of the Basel Accords, exploring their theoretical basis and the evolution of the regulation into its current form. This section identifies two possible mechanisms by which capital regulation can negatively impact the broader economy: increasing capital costs and increasing risk aversion. Part 2 explores the potential for increased capital cost, while Part 3 examines the possibility of excessive risk aversion. In conclusion, the paper finds that while the potential for downside effects does exist, these are not likely to be significant, and seem particularly unlikely to have a major impact in the South African case.

This thesis explores the impacts of implementing the Basel Accords on the stability of the banking sector and greater economy, and will particularly focus on Basel II. This study contrasts three Latin American governments that have implemented the Basel Accords. Because Chile's and Brazil's banking sectors have been more successful in implementing the Basel Accords, they will be used as model cases to provide the context to analyze Argentina’s banking sector. The results of this thesis reveal that in order for Argentina to stabilize its banking sector and become a stronger international financial player, it must not only improve the implementation of the Basel Accords, but also simultaneously address discrepancies in political agendas and its banking structure.

Texte remanié de: Diss.--Philosophische Fakultät--Bonn--Rheinische Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität, 1991.

Diss.--Geschichtswissenschaftliche Fakultät--Tübingen--Universität Tübingen, 1989. / Bibliogr. p. 283-300. Index.

Face aux nouveaux conflits armés en Afrique, généralement à caractèreinterne, même si le caractère international ou internationalisé n'est jamaiséloigné, l'internationalisation de leur règlement affecte tout naturellement lemodèle de reconstruction proposé.Les Accords de paix sont devenus les vecteurs, sinon, l'expression de cetteinternationalisation sans s'écarter de leur fonction d'instrument dereconstruction du pacte national. Le modèle de reconstructioninternationalisé qui en découle postule la mise sur pied d'un État de droitinternationalisé comme référant lequel s'appuie sur la justice internationalecomme garde-fou.Si ce modèle dans la pratique des États du panel sous examen dans cette étudereste globalement théorique faute de substantialité, il n'en demeure pas moinsla seule voie perfectible dans un monde aux intérêts aussi antagonistes avecune telle perméabilité des normes et ordres juridiques qui reflètentl'effritement de l'État classique et sa souveraineté.De telle sorte que dans les processus de paix, l'ordre international pénètre lenoyau dur de l'ordre interne pour pallier à ses défaillances structurelles, lerestaurer, non sans lui imposer un modèle de sortie de crise. Cette étudedémontre la nécessité d'enrichir ce modèle en fonction de paramètres internessans renoncer à l'universalité de ses valeurs et principes. / The latest armed conflicts in Africa are generally local, though potentiallyinternational or internationalised, white the internationalisation of theirresolution naturally impacts on the proposed models of reconstruction.Peace agreements have become the vector, if not the very expression, of thisinternationalisation, white still acting as instruments of the reconstruction ofthe national pact.The basic premise of the ensuing model of internationalised reconstruction isthe implementation of an internationalised rule of law that will act as a pointofreference while relying on the international criminaljustice system.This model is mostly theoretical in the panel of countries under study. Yet it isalso the only perfectible solution in a world based on such antagonisticinterests, and porous norms and legal orders leading to the erosion of thestandard model of state. As part of these peace processes, international orderthus supports failing states to restore them while imposing a way out of thecrisis.

Orientador: Marcelo de Castro Meneghim / Dissertação (mestrado profissional) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Odontologia de Piracicaba / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-05T18:00:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 SchiavolinNeto_Luiz_M.pdf: 813933 bytes, checksum: 91c13513916ef968b6d32c5537ccc0ab (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005 / Resumo: No Brasil, a assistência odontológica obedece a uma prática predominantemente privada, curativa e socialmente excludente, sendo que a maior parte da população tem acesso limitado ao sistema público. Diante disso, as demandas pelo atendimento odontológico em Convênios e Cooperativas têm crescido significativamente. Neste estudo, faz-se uma análise operacional desses sistemas na Região Metropolitana de São Paulo, com a finalidade de entender e conceituar sua dinâmica. Do total de 96 Convênios e 8 Cooperativas existentes na localidade, foram estudados, por meio de aplicação de questionários semi-estruturados, 21% (n=20) dos Convênios e 100% das Cooperativas (n=8). O estudo revelou forte ligação dos cirurgiões-dentistas com os sistemas, apontando os seguintes resultados: (a) as Cooperativas têm mais usuários e mais profissionais credenciados do que os Convênios, com tempo de funcionamento também maior; (b) o número de profissionais especialistas e de especialistas/clínicos-gerais é maior nos Convênios, mas as Cooperativas oferecem maior número de especialidades; (c) os critérios predominantes para credenciamento em Convênios e Cooperativas são o aumento do número de usuários e a necessidade de novas especialidades; (d) o principal motivo para a rescisão de contrato do profissional é o descumprimento das normas internas; (e) 75% dos reembolsos nos Convênios é feito após a conclusão do trabalho; (f) nos Convênios os usuários têm acesso ao atendimento em sede própria e locais credenciados e nas Cooperativas somente em locais credenciados; (g) menos da metade dos Convênios e Cooperativas realiza fiscalização nos consultórios; (h) as especialidades odontológicas oferecidas por todos os Convênios e Cooperativas são: dentística, odontopediatria, prevenção, periodontia e endodontia; (i) procedimentos mais realizados nos dois sistemas: dentística e periodontia; (j) procedimentos menos realizados: implantes, semiologia e cirurgia buco-maxilo facial. Conclui-se que o sistema operacional das Cooperativas favorece mais o cirurgião dentista do que os Convênios odontológicos, facilitando o acesso ao sistema e melhor participação nos resultados / Abstract: In Brazil, the odontological assistance obeys one practical predominantly private, curative and socially exculpatory one, being that most of the population has access limited to the public system. Ahead of this, the demands for the odontological attendance in Accords and Cooperatives have grown significantly. In this study, an operational analysis of these systems in the Region becomes Metropolitan of São Paulo, with the purpose to understand and to appraise its dynamics. Of the total of 96 Accords and 8 existing Cooperatives in the locality, they had been studied, by means of application of half-structuralized questionnaires, 21% (n=20) of Accords and 100% of the Cooperatives (n=8). The study it disclosed to fort linking of the surgeon-dentists with the systems, pointing the following results: (a) the Cooperatives have credential using and more professional more that the Accords, with time of also bigger functioning; (b) the number of professional specialists and specialist/generalities is bigger in the Accords, but the Cooperatives offer to greater number of specialties; (c) the predominant criteria for accredit in Accords and Cooperatives are the increase of the number of users and the necessity of new specialties; (d) the main reason for the contract rescission is the unaccomplished of the internal norms; (e) 75% of the reimbursements in the Accords is after made the ending of the work; (f) in the Accords the users only have credential access to the attendance in proper headquarters and places and the Cooperatives in credential places; (g) less of the half of the Accords and Cooperatives carries through to examine in the doctor's offices; (h) the odontological specialties offered by all the Accords and Cooperatives are: dentist, pediatric odontology, prevention, periodontal and endodontical; (i) carried through procedures more in the two systems: dentist and periodontal; (j) carried through procedures less: implantations, semiology and face odontological chirurgic. One concludes that the operational system of the Cooperatives is better for the surgeon - dentist / Mestrado / Saude Coletiva / Mestre Profissional em Odontologia

No abstract available. / Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2013. / Centre for Human Rights / unrestricted

After nearly 20 years of negotiations and peacebuilding, Palestinians are no nearer to self-determination. This article explains this failure through an analysis of the context and peacebuilding framework created as a product of the Oslo Accords and the assumptions of Western donors about how peace would be achieved. It argues that the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt) is subject to an assemblage of colonial practices - some of which are the product of Western peacebuilding. While the practices of the occupying power, Israel, has constituted one part of the colonial equation (extracting and controlling resources and settling its own people), Western peacebuilding has played another through its pursuit of a modern version of the 'mission civilisatrice'. The ideological discursive framework that binds these two parts of the colonial equation together and gives them common purpose is the 'partners for peace' discourse that has been used to justify a multitude of practices, including the arrest and detention of Palestinian politicians, military action, the withdrawal of aid and regime change.