Thesis (M. Soc. Sc.)--University of Hong Kong, 2000. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 80-81).

Thesis (M.Soc.Sc.)--University of Hong Kong, 2000. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 80-81) Also available in print.

Thesis (M. Phil.)--University of Hong Kong, 2005. / Title proper from title frame. Also available in printed format.

Diss.--Juristische Fakultät--Universität Freiburg, 1992. / Bibliogr. p. 439-446.

A restorative approach to justice focuses on accountability for healing the harm done to victims and communities as a result of criminal acts. Hate crimes are intended to send a threatening message to a particular group of people. There is enough reliable research on restorative justice principles and practices, and on the causes, meaning and impact of hate crimes, to bring together a representative selection of available literature for a critical review. This thesis critically reviews the literature of restorative justice principles and practices, and the literature of hate crime causes, definitions, laws, and typologies of offenders, using as a model Comstock's seven-step Critical Research Method. Findings suggest that congruencies between the two fields of study are primarily found in how activities appropriated to define the fields have increased the ambiguity of the definitions. Further findings suggest that there are important underlying issues of class and power distribution in need of attention in both fields of research. These findings are discussed and suggestions are made for future areas of research.

Thesis (LL. M.)--University of Canterbury, 2007. / Typescript (photocopy). Includes bibliographical references (leaves 356-389). Also available via the World Wide Web.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Murdoch University, 2005. / Thesis submitted to the Division of Arts. Bibliography: leaves 261-274.

Analyzing the crimes of women murderers and how they fared in the criminal justice system demonstrates that though perceptions of gender evolved, resistance to sentencing women to death often persisted. The nature of homicides committed by women in Oregon set them apart from their male counterparts. Women were, and are, more likely to commit domestic homicides -- murders that involve a family member or partner. These crimes are typically not equated with crimes that warrant capital punishment. As a result, no woman has been subjected to the death penalty in the state. This thesis analyzes the twenty-five women who were convicted of homicide in Oregon between 1854 and 1950. During these years the majority faced all-male court and penal systems. As such, they were handled differently in accordance with various social, cultural, and legislative shifts relating to women's roles as citizens. Through an examination of contemporary newspaper articles, inmate case files, and other Oregon State Penitentiary records, this thesis studies three distinct periods relating to these shifts: 1854-1900, 1901-1935 and 1936-1950. The assumption that it was impossible for a woman to commit murder linked claims of insanity with criminality. The six women defendants between 1854 and 1900 were either deemed insane and transferred to the asylum or quickly released from prison to avoid potential controversy or additional expense. The twelve women convicted of homicide between 1901 and 1935 all received manslaughter convictions, an occurrence unique to this era. Following the Progressive Era, sentimental juries felt more comfortable convicting women of manslaughter. Many received indeterminate sentences of one to fifteen years and were released on parole. The initial first-degree murder charges between 1936 and 1950 signaled a new period in the treatment of women charged with homicide. After gaining the right to vote and serve on juries, women began to be viewed more equally in the eyes of the law. During these years there was a more even distribution of manslaughter, second-degree murder, and first-degree murder convictions for the seven women defendants. This is due in part to women's growing presence in the public sphere. In conclusion, the idea that women were submissive creatures that required the authority and protection of men in the courtroom began to fade by 1950. Each period of study demonstrates how the contemporary perception of women and their roles as citizens affected trial outcomes. However, even when women were charged with first-degree murder they were not sentenced to the death penalty -- likely due to the domestic nature of their crimes.

Sentencing reform and "tough on crime" policies have assisted in the inflation of the United States' prison population by nearly 400% over the last 50 years. In 2003, justice reinvestment was conceptualized as a way to decrease recidivism and remedy the exorbitant correctional spending by reinvesting funds on rehabilitation and reentry assistance to those leaving custodial institutions. Early implementations of justice reinvestment in Connecticut and Texas achieved both savings and reductions in prison populations. This led to the creation of the Justice Reinvestment Initiative by the U.S. Bureau of Justice Assistance in 2010. Officials of the Justice Reinvestment Initiative sought states who were willing to achieve bi-partisan agreements on reform and reinvestment strategies to assist in the creation and implementation of this new policy. The State of Oregon began this process in early 2012 and completed the process with the enrollment of HB 3194 in July of 2013. Despite the implementation of this policy in 17 states, few evaluations have been performed on the effectiveness of justice reinvestment policy. This study employs a quasi-experimental time series analysis of corrections data from the State of Oregon, the high usage county, medium usage county, and the low usage county proxies to assess the effectiveness of the law. Counties were selected as proxies for levels of justice reinvestment grant usage. These data include prison admissions (June 2010-July 2016), probation admissions (June 2010-July 2016), and the number of individuals on community supervision (July 2010-December 2015). Analyses reveal significant changes in all measures. The results of this study have several implications for current and future implementations of justice reinvestment.

Ce mémoire examine deux institutions rwandaises de «justice transitionnelle» mises sur pied après le génocide de 1994, soit les juridictions gacaca et les camps de solidarité (ingando). Nous tentons de démontrer, dans un premier temps, que ces institutions gacaca et ingando s'inspirent essentiellement de pratiques étatiques antérieures qui permirent le génocide, et, dans un deuxième temps, que ces institutions constituent des pratiques de « biopouvoir » au sens foucaldien. La partie I du mémoire, consacrée à la présentation du cadre d'analyse, résume certains principes de méthode foucaldiens - notamment l'approche généalogique-, et la notion de biopouvoir et ses pôles (« anatomo-politique » du corps humain et « biopolitique » du corps-espèce). Ensuite, à travers un exposé historique couvrant les périodes précoloniale, coloniale (1887-1961) et postcoloniale (1961 et s.), nous divisons notre analyse du phénomène gacaca / ingando en deux parties. Sous la partie II, nous comparons la structure et l'administration de l'appareil gacaca / ingando à la structure et à l'administration de l'appareil étatique utilisées lors du génocide, soit une structure hiérarchique pyramidale, autoritaire, et omniprésente sur le territoire. Sous la partie III, la comparaison se poursuit entre certaines autres pratiques - p. ex. pratiques éducatives, bureaucratiques, législatives, religieuses, et médiatiques - qui rendirent possible le génocide, et certaines pratiques gacaca/ingando, notamment : la compétence d'attribution gacaca ; la procédure d'aveu gacaca ; les enseignements historiques ingando ; et les initiatives promotionnelles (médias et discours officiels gouvernementaux) liées aux gacaca et aux ingando. Suivant le discours officiel du gouvernement rwandais - dirigé par le Front patriotique rwandais (FPR) depuis juillet 1994-., les gacaca et les ingando sont destinés, dans différentes mesures, à révéler la vérité, à punir les responsables, à réconcilier les Rwandais, et à assurer, ultimement, la transition vers un Rwanda démocratique et prospère. Cependant, après avoir constaté certaines contradictions entre ces objectifs officiels et certaines pratiques gacaca / ingando, au terme de notre analyse de l'ensemble de ces pratiques - et à titre d'alternative au discours gouvernemental rwandais officiel -, nous soutenons que l'appareil gacaca / ingando agit à titre de dispositif anatomo-politique et biopolitique et vise à imprégner le corps social rwandais de cinq normes (ou « vérités ») principales, soit : l'invalidité des divisions identitaires entre Hutus et Tutsis; le bien-fondé de l'identité nationale rwandaise; la vilenie des administrations passées hurues et coloniales, seules responsables du « mal rwandais »; le caractère indésirable d'une présence dominante hutue au gouvernement et, plus généralement, au pouvoir; et la nature légitime et bienveillante du gouvernement rwandais en place depuis la fin du génocide. Selon nous, ces normes s'harmonisent avec l'objectif suivant : assurer la pérennité du FPR (et des forces incarnées par cette formation) à la tête du Rwanda par l'emploi de mesures relativement douces et anonymes, mais extrêmement étendues, économiques et efficaces, qualités associées aux mécanismes de biopouvoir décrits par l'historien et philosophe Michel Foucault. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Rwanda, Génocide, Justice transitionnelle, Gacaca, Ingando, Biopouvoir.