This paper is a curriculum proposal for a mid to high beginner adult English as a Second Language class. It is hoped that this curriculum will prove to meet students’ academic needs, especially in terms of development of literacy, listening skills, and language learning strategies. In addition to this, the lessons include a critical orientation; that is, the class is structured to facilitate student engagement with social issues, namely racism and economic struggles. With these considerations in minds, two units comprising half the semester were developed and relevant extra materials are provided. / text

Anxiety has been identified as a plausible factor affecting second language (L2) acquisition. However, more research is needed on how anxiety may influence Spanish-speaking adult English as a Second Language (ESL) populations. Determining precisely what causes anxiety in Spanish-speaking adult ESL populations should be of interest not only to L2 researchers but also to ESL instructors who may have adult Spanish-speaking English language learners (ELLs) in their classes. This study researched L2 anxiety in Spanish-speaking adult ESL learners. Specifically, it considered possible causes and cultural influences of L2 anxiety in 10 Spanish-speaking adult ESL students at a university English language institute (ELI). Participants were given a choice of completing an English or Spanish version of the Foreign Language Classroom Anxiety Scale (FLCAS) and then participated in follow-up interviews. Results were documented and evaluated. A total of 14 causes of L2 anxiety were identified, including incompatible goals, using English in professional contexts, the native country, and the need for error correction. Finally, contrary to the literature, collaborative group work was found to cause L2 anxiety in Spanish-speaking adult ESL students enrolled at a language institute.

For the past 30 years, researchers in the field of Second Language Acquisition (Block, 2007; Lantolf and Pavlenko, 2001; Norton, 2000) have emphasized the need to integrate the language learner and the language learning context and to analyze relations of power and how they affect the language learner, the language learning processes, and the learner’s identities. Several researchers (Lantolf & Pavlenko, 2001; McKay & Wong, 1996; Skilton-Silverstein, 2002; Vitanova, 2005) have studied the connections between language learning, identity, and agency. The participants in these studies were immigrants from Eastern Europe, Asia, or Africa living in the U.S., Canada, and Australia. Few studies (Menard-Warwick, 2004, 2009) have analyzed the experiences of adult Hispanic immigrants in the U.S. in relation to English learning and identity construction. This dissertation reports on a study exploring how five adult Hispanic immigrants learning English in a major city in Texas negotiated their identities as English speakers and exercised agency in contexts where English was spoken. The study also analyzed the learners’ investment in learning English. The sociocultural theory of self and identity developed by Holland, Lachicotte, Skinner, and Cain (1998) was the framework which helped conceptualize identity and agency. The work of Norton (2000) on language learning and identity and her notion of investment were used to understand the participants’ experiences learning and using English inside and outside the ESL classroom. A qualitative multiple-case study was conducted to understand the experiences of the participants who were learning English in a community-based ESL program, where the researcher became a participant observer during the six months of data collection. The findings of the study show the complex identity negotiations that the participants underwent in the different contexts where they interacted in English. Social class, immigrant status, and other social factors, such as lack of access to English-speaking contexts, high prevalence of Spanish in contexts where the participants interacted daily, and positioning of the participants (by others and by themselves) as limited English speakers strongly influenced how they negotiated their identities as English speakers. Despite these social factors, the participants exercised agency and were highly invested in learning English. / text

This thesis examines research done to explore teachers‘ and students‘ perspectives and use of Project-based Learning (PBL). The research was conducted at two ESL schools with distinct student populations in Victoria, BC and had 118 total participants. There were 30 teachers from three schools and 88 students from two schools. The teachers and students completed parallel questionnaires asking about their opinions of the various aspects involved in a PBL approach, their use or teachers‘ use of it, their opinions about examples of projects, and also completed open-ended questions about their opinions and experience with projects. The questionnaires were analyzed using Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS), non-parametric, 2 independent samples and is the primary quantitative data. The means and statistical significance between teachers and students were examined to find any main differences in opinion about PBL. Individual interviews were also conducted with teachers and students from two schools. Seven teachers also provided some artifacts from their classes which were examined to see if they corresponded with their perspectives. The latter two forms of data collection form the qualitative data in this study. Perspectives on PBL were found to be generally positive, with some mixed results within certain areas. Teachers‘ and students‘ perspectives were not that different, which is encouraging for those interested in using projects. Although teachers scored slightly higher in most cases, there were no stark contrasts between negative and positive attitudes. There were distinct differences between schools, as School A used project work more often due to different student backgrounds and needs. Teachers and students were the most favorable to more common practices in ESL classes, but still exhibited positive perspectives towards aspects of PBL as well. And lastly, the most common type of project being used in adult ESL is the presentation of some kind, falling under the production or performance project type (Stoller, 1997). Beckett‘s (1999) study found that students carried out projects successfully, but that their evaluations ―expressed dilemmas, frustrations, and tensions‖ (Beckett, 2002, p.60). No such comments were found when interviewing students about their project work presentations at School A, as most students felt that they were interesting, motivating, dynamic, and fun,‘among other comments. These results, along with means in the quantitative section exhibiting positive results reveals more support for the use of projects in adult ESL. The most significant discovery from this research was that teachers need to consider their students‘ backgrounds and needs when trying to implement a project. The initial assumption that School B, which had all immigrant students, would have more projects was completely wrong. I was surprised that they did not do more projects, and was faced with the reality that teachers need to take into consideration hectic lives outside of school and family obligations of immigrant students before using a PBL approach. The international students at School A were younger and seemingly more devoted to learning language through a variety of methods within their time in Canada.

The United States is home to hundreds of thousands of refugees and immigrants who desire to learn English. In contrast to academically-focused English language learners (ELLs), or international students, refugee and immigrant ELLs are often dealing with the stresses of poverty and/or a precarious immigration status, giving them a diverse and complex set of needs that are often not adequately met by ESL programs. Building off a foundation of Activity Theory, Sociocultural Theory, and Language Ecology, which emphasizes an approach to language learning and teaching that does not separate language from the authentic contexts from which it arises (Van Lier, 2002; Leather & Van Dam, 2003; Pennycook, 2010; Swain & Watanabe, 2012; among others), I seek to uncover and address these needs in-context through an ethnography of six Spanish-speaking immigrant ELLs in the western United States. I detail the results of an in-depth analysis of 116 hours of participant observation with these women, paying special attention to their daily routines and how, where, and why they employ English or Spanish. I show how the women's daily routines and participation in Latinx communities curtail much of their need for daily English, how they employ various strategies to get by when they do need English, and how their expressed motivations to learn English are often thwarted by their current life circumstances. I end by summarizing key observations about the ELLs in the study and making general recommendations to ESL programs for how to apply these observations.

"One thing cannot be disputed: immigrants from all backgrounds and levels of cultural capital are drawn to noncredit ESL programs with high hopes of a brighter future and the attainment of the American dream" (Becker 2011). Adult ESL community learners are a fast-growing and diverse group of individuals. Previous studies demonstrate the many challenges this group faces in attending English classes (Tan, Nabb, Aagard, and Kim 2010; Tucker 2007) and the need for more online learning to better meet their needs (Eyring 2014; Reynard 2003). A survey was administered to 136 adult community ESL learners enrolled at the Provo, Utah Adult English Language Acquisition Program. Results of the survey detail their challenges, perceptions of online learning and whether they have the resources and skills needed to be successful in an online English class. Based on results from the survey, challenges to attending English classes still exist among adult community ESL learners. Although many of the participants had taken an online English class in the past, results indicate an overwhelming number of learners who want face-to-face instruction. There is also a need for hybrid and synchronous learning among primary care givers of children, participants with a bachelor's degree or higher, and participants 40 years old or younger. Many participants perceived themselves as having the skills needed to take an online class, yet participants still reported that online learning was difficult, and a computer class would be helpful. Further results indicate that many participants do not have all the resources needed to take an online class and some lack a quiet space to learn online.

This is an autoethnographic study (e.g. Brodkey, 1994) based on ‘stories’ from my own personal and professional journey as an adult ESL teacher which I use to narrate some aspects of adult ESL teaching. With migration one of the most dramatically contested spheres of modern political life world wide (Hall, 1998), adult English as a Second Language (ESL) teaching is increasingly a matter of social concern and political policy, as we see in the current political debates in Australia concerning immigration, citizenship and language. In Australia as an imagined community (Anderson, 1991), the song goes ‘we are, you are Australian and in one voice we sing’. In this study I argue that this voice of normative ‘Australianess’ is discursively aligned with White Australians as native speakers (an essential, biological formulation). Stretching Pennycook’s (1994a) argument that ELT (English Language Teaching) as a discourse aligns with colonialism, I suggest that the field of adult ESL produces, classifies and measures the conditions of sameness and difference to this normative ‘Australian’. The second language speaker is discursively constructed as always a deficient communicator compared with the native speaker. The binary between an imagined homogeneous Australia and the ‘migrant’ as essentially other, works against the inclusion of the learner into the dominant groups represented by their teachers, so that the intentions of adult ESL pedagogy and provision are mitigated by this imagining, problematizing and containing of the learners as other. The role of ESL teachers is to supervise (Hage, 1998) the incorporation of this other. Important policy interventions (e.g. Department of Immigration and Citizenship, 2006; ALLP, 1991a) are based on understanding the English language as a universalist framework of language competences inherent in the native speaker; on understanding language as consisting of fixed structures which are external to the learner and their social contexts; and on a perception that language as generic, transferable cognitive skills can be taught universally with suitable curricula and sufficient funding. Conversely in this study I recognise language as linguistic systems that define groups and regulate social relations, forming ‘a will to community’ (Pennycook, op. cit.) or ‘communities of practice’ (Lave & Wenger, 1991). Language as complex local and communal practices emerges from specific contexts. Language is embedded in acts of identity (e.g. Bakhtin, 1981) developing through dialogue, involving the emotions as well as the intellect, so that ‘voice’ is internal to desires and thoughts and hence part of identity. Following Norton (2000) who links the practices of adult ESL learners as users of English within the social relations of their every day lives, with their identities as “migrants”, I suggest that the stabilisation of language by language learners known as interlanguage reflects diaspora as a hybrid life world. More effective ESL policies, programs and pedagogies that assist immigrant learners feel ‘at home’ within Australia as a community of practice (Wenger, 1998) rest on understanding immigrant life worlds as diasporic (Gilroy, 1997). The research recommends an adult ESL pedagogy that responds to the understanding of language as socially constituted practices that are situated in social, local, everyday workplace and community events and spaces. Practices of identity and their representation through language can be re-negotiated through engagement in collective activities in ESL classes that form third spaces (Soja, 1999). The possibilities for language development that emerge are in accord with the learners’ affective investment in the new language community, but occur as improvements in making effective meanings, rather than conformity to the formal linguistic system (Pavlenko & Lantolf, 2000).