It is certainly true that a number of the men who have sat in homeland representative councils live in white areas. Apartheid idealogues draw two inferences from this observation. Firstly, that as the policy of separate development unfolds, urban representation in homeland councils will be a continuing trend. Secondly, that the political aspirations of urban blacks can be fulfilled in the homeland political arena. (1) Both of these conclusions can be refuted at the empirical level alone. With regard to the first, Kotze himself inadvertently provides us with evidence to the contrary. Of the seven representatives " from white urban areas" whom he mentions, four of these men were forced out of the homeland political arena, in 1975 alone. Collins Ramusi and Mageza, having become "interior ministers" for their homelands (Lebowa and Gazankulu respectively) were forced to leave their positions towards the beginning of that year, and Barney Dladla, Executive Councillor for Community Affairs in Buthelezi's KwaZulu cabinet, was ousted as well. Baldwin Mudau’s Venda Independence People’s party suffered continual harassment and was thwarted in its attempts to hold elections in Venda. It was decided to examine the cases of Mudau and Mageza in greater depth to explain how the demise in their roles as ’homeland politicians’ occurred. This examination revealed the fallaciousness of the second and central inference mentioned earlier. It was shown that although these men lived and worked in the city, their electoral support did not come from the urban areas. Once it was established that their electoral base was in fact a predominantly rural one, the refutation of this second theme became complete. On a purely empirical level then, the contentions of Kotze et al were refuted. But to merely refute these ideological statements by providing evidence to the contrary does not answer the questions that have arisen as a result of the investigation. / Opposition politics in Venda and Gazenkulu

Inaugural lecture delivered at Rhodes University / Rhodes University Libraries (Digitisation)

This thesis offers a critique of neoliberal transformation in South Africa, which process results in growing social inequality and political apathy among citizens. Many scholars have made political-economic and historical analyses of the neoliberal transition, emphasizing structural changes at work at a ‘macro’ level. However, little attention has been paid to changes that have taken place in South Africa at the ‘micro’ level – changes to individual subjectivity and gender codes. That said, the thesis opens by summarizing the above mentioned political-economic accounts of neoliberalism in South Africa, because such works are indispensable to understanding how the regime is embedded within and buttressed by major global institutions. Yet, to achieve a holistic grasp of ‘neoliberal South Africa,’ more is needed. A sociological investigation into the impact of neoliberalism on ordinary people’s self-identification uncovers deep cultural reasons for the continued perpetuation of this unjust political-economic system. Only if it can be understood why people comply with the system in the face of suffering, can effective counter-measures be proposed and implemented over time. This thesis is inherently transdisciplinary. The approach rejects the privileging of one discipline over others, and likewise cautions against collapsing or dissolving disciplines into one another. Instead, recognizing the valuable contribution that each discipline can make to critical scrutiny of a particular issue, a form of methodological transversalism is used to bring different disciplines into dialogue with one another. Following this interplay of structural and subjective analysis, the thesis uncovers the role that consumerism plays in the political neutralization of South Africans. Consumer culture, tied as it is to profitable accumulation, instigates the neoliberal ‘values’ of economistic calculation, competition, and social atomization. This ethos is inculcated in individuals, both at work and during leisure hours. Moreover, consumerism derives much of its power from its ‘sexual sell,’ the creation of fashionable and ‘exemplary’ models of masculinity and femininity. In South Africa, these hegemonic gender models serve to instill competitive individualism while derogating indigenous values. The thesis proposes that in order to counter neoliberal hegemony in South Africa, and begin reclaiming the cultural autonomy of its peoples, it is important to invigorate indigenous communitarian practices and norms. The original contribution of this thesis consists in placing the African ethos of ubuntu in transversal dialogue with global ecological feminist voices. Both political perspectives reinforce a liberatory alternative vision for a future based on principles of embodied relationality, care giving and protection of community.

The negotiation process in South Africa did, by 1993, lead to change in inputs in policy-making, and led to change in political relations with specific reference to norms of equality and respect for human rights. Significantly, these changes imposed obligations on the public service on issues of transformation, amongst others: service delivery, restructuring, democratisation of the policy-making process, and representativity and equity. This study was undertaken to examine the latter two namely, to determine the policy-making mechanisms by which the public service seeks to legitimise the policy-making process by involving a wider populace in participation; and to examine legislation that exists on representativity and equity and their consequent implementation. In support of the empirical research, use and analysis of a theoretical study of public policy in Public Administration were undertaken. The analysis showed that the theoretical distinction in the roles of political office-bearers and appointed public officials in the policy-making process, was incorrect. Rather, the empirical study supported a close co-operation of the functionaries in the process, including implementation. Further, it was found that the various models for analysing public policy had all been applicable at different periods in the South African political system. For the purpose of this study, the hypotheses are formulated that the new political dispensation that ushered South Africa into a popular constitutional democracy impacted on the functioning of the public service, amongst others: • an obligation to involve a wider population in the policy-making process to achieve legitimacy; and • an obligation to enforce norms of representativity and equity through legislation and the implementation thereof. In the study of the policy-making process, it was empirically established that the public service does possess comprehensive mechanisms to engage the wider populace in consultation and negotiation on public policy-making. Yet, public participation was found to be thin. Further, it was established that elaborate legislation exists to change the demographic face of the public setvice, and there is progress on implementation of representativity and equity legislation with reference to target quotas, time frames and the control thereof. Proposals for further study on effects of change, are made. / Public Administration and Management / D. Litt et Phil (Public Administration)

This is a study in Critical Psychology which examines the psychological costs of one of the direct outcomes of political repression - the experience of being in hiding. The aims of the study can be depicted on two levels: it is first and foremost an attempt to provide a true account of the phenomenon of being in hiding. On a second level of equal importance it is an implicit and overt critique of the social order in which this phenomenon takes place. The psychological experience of being in hiding is examined and discussed in its proper socio-political context. Therefore, the theoretical part of the mini-thesis has a strong political bearing, focusing on the State, and extra-parliamentary opposition in South Africa. repression The empirical part of the mini-thesis explicates the psychological experience of being in hiding with the aid of the phenomenological method of investigation. Due to the lack of research on this or similar topics, it is discussed within the framework of the experience of a stressful life event. For the five subjects being in hiding was an extreme intervention which was imposed upon their existences and which brought about a qualitative transformation in the individual subjects mode of being-in-the-world - not only in terms of practicalities, but also on a deep experiential level. It was a phenomenon which touched on fundamental parts of their experience of themselves and their individual worlds and the way in which they actualized themselves. For them it essentially entailed a loss of relationships and roles which resulted in an experience of a measure of encapsulation or separation from the world of others . It was a profound, multi - dimensional disruption of the structure of the subject ' s existence which infused a rich emotional experience .

Dissertation submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Magister Technologiae: Public Management in the Faculty of Business at the Cape Peninsula University of Technology / This study interrogates the process followed by the South African government in transforming informal settlements into formal settlements, with specific reference to Khayelitsha Township, located just outside of Cape Town. Three informal settlements within Khayelitsha Township (Nkanini in Makhaza, RR and BM both in Site B) were identified for purposes of conducting this study. This study aims to interrogate the government’s effort to eradicate informal settlements. It employed a quantitative tradition where a structured questionnaire was distributed to 100 subjects. These included ward councillors, government managers, researchers on Community-Based-Organisations and Non-Governmental Organisations. The study revealed that research participants believed that there were no changes taking place in the informal settlements and they are growing in a fastest pace. The study findings also depicted that in order to transform informal settlements all key stakeholders should work in collaboration with each other. This study will contribute to the body of knowledge as there is paucity of data regarding the transformation of informal settlements to formal housing.

The study reviews the political transition after the first decade of democracy from the trade union leaders’ perspectives. It seeks to understand whether trade union leaders see workers as having reaped benefits from their struggles. Interviews were conducted with ten current and past trade union leaders on their perceptions about the political transition. The trade union leaders that were interviewed have rich experience of combining their organisational and mobilising strength with strategies of engagement. Their involvement with trade unions can be traced back during the dark years of Apartheid. Some of them are still active members of trade unions who are deeply involved in policy formulation at national level. Others occupy influential positions in the private and public sectors. The study investigates and analyses the labour movement’s objectives, strategies and struggles from the apartheid, transition, and democratic eras and into the future. It looks at how these objectives were achieved and how the strategies were implemented. The study revealed that progress was made in the political sphere, e.g. a parliamentary office was established to ensure that workers have a voice in parliament. The study found clear evidence of influence by the labour movement in economic and labour legislation through structures like NEDLAC. In the economic arena, the study found that workers’ economic expectations were partially fulfilled. Trade union leaders attributed this to the failure of the government’s GEAR policy to create jobs. They insisted that RDP should be implemented. The study revealed evidence of serious tensions within the ANC/COSATU/SACP Alliance. The study found that the influence of the labour ally, COSATU, in the Tripartite Alliance had been curtailed. The study also found that the strength of the labour movement eroded during the first decade of democracy. The research found that the labour movement took new initiatives such as union investment companies. The research also found support for the theory that COSATU’s obsession with alliance politics was a barrier to labour unity. COSATU was not involved in the merger talks between FEDUSA and NACTU. The respondents generally felt positively about the future prospects. Respondents were mostly optimistic about the political transformation. If there was slow delivery or no delivery by the government or business, the unions vowed to take to the streets.

The failure of democracy in Africa can be partially attributed to the Eurocentric assumptions that belie Western recommendations for Africa. This thesis focuses on the failure of the modernisation school to account for the resiliency of tradition in the modern African state, which is described by Sklar (1991) as amounting to a form of 'mixed government', combining the traditional with the modern to create a uniquely African form of governance. This notion of a 'mixed government' is addressed from the vantage point of traditional leaders in the Eastern Cape. It maps the vacillating relationship between the chiefs, the people and the government through colonialism, Apartheid and democratisation. It concludes that although the Eastern Cape provincial government has subordinated the chiefs, this does not signify a victory for modernity over tradition because the chiefs are not a spent force. History has shown that when the government fails to act in the interests of the people, they seek an alternative authority namely, the chiefs. The ANC government's centralising tendencies have negative implications for democracy and consequently for the people. This opens up space for the chiefs to assert themselves provided they play an active role in furthering democracy, development and modernisation in the interests of the people. Hence, although ' mixed' government in the post-1996 South Africa is currently on the ANC's terms, traditional leaders may someday play a vital role in the modern democratic state.

Africa has witnessed some of the most horrific and devastating conflicts in the world in recent times. This study, concerned about the problem of these seemingly intractable or endemic violent conflicts ravaging the continent of Africa since decolonisation; resulting in poverty, hunger, diseases, massive killing, rape, permanent disability and underdevelopment, examined the issues relating to conflict prevention, management and resolution in Africa. In doing so, it used the conflict in the Darfur region of Sudan as a case study. It examined the role of international organisations, especially that which the African Union and the United Nations played in the prevention, management and resolution of the conflict in the Darfur region of Sudan, as well as the remote and immediate cause of the Darfur conflict and major parties to the Darfur conflict. Other issues examined by this study include the outcome of the United Nations Commission of Inquiry into the violations of international humanitarian law and human rights law, including acts of genocide in Darfur; and the Sudanese government’s response. Moreover, it analysed the implication of the Darfur conflict in the problem of preventing, managing and resolving violent conflict in Africa while drawing some lessons for the African Union, as well as the government of Sudan. However, this research, which adopted the qualitative case study methodology in data collection, presentation and analysis, posits that the protracted violent conflict, which was triggered by some rebel leaders with doubtful motives in the Darfur region of Sudan, who capitalised on the age-long problem of underdevelopment in the Darfur region, as well as low intensity disputes among the tribes over ownership of land and water resources, was avoidable. It further asserts that the African Union lacked the capacity to engage in an effective peace support operation in Africa as witnessed in the failure of its mission in Darfur, which eventually got rescued by the United Nations through the UN-AU Hybrid Mission in Darfur (UNAMID). Further, this study has contributed in narrowing the existing gaps in academic literature on the aspect of conflict prevention management and resolution especially in Africa, even as it introduced the conspiracy theory in the understanding of the issues relating to the conflict in the Darfur region while recommending the immediate operationalisation of the African Union standby force to avert the reoccurrence of the Darfur conflict in Sudan and other parts of Africa, among other strategies aimed at enhancing the capacity and capability of the African Union to prevent, manage and resolve violent conflicts in Africa with or without the intervention of foreign powers. Moreover, this study recommends good governance that will promote political, social and economic justice as well as adherence to the rule of law; against all forms marginalisation, discrimination and other forms of structural violence in Africa. Essentially, this research has made an original contribution to the conflict studies literature with the formulation of the “Violent Intrastate Conflict Model” which explains the conflict dynamics and processes in most violent intrastate conflicts or civil war.

There is a dearth of position papers on international participation in the South African transition. Political parties and organisations in South Africa instead spend most of their time describing various forms of desirous IC intervention after the transition. This might explain why most articles and academic papers on 'the role of the international community' are suffixed - in the 'new South Africa' or 'post-apartheid South Africa' - few focus on the actual transition and then mostly from a systemic perspective, broadly outlining the constraints imposed by the 'new world order'. Perhaps the first serious attempt to address this gap in the debate over South Africa's future was D. Kempton and L. Mosia's 'The International Community in South Africa's Transition to non-racial Democracy' (1992). Before multiparty negotiations collapsed in June 1992, Kempton and Mosia examined the attitudes toward international intervention of most of the CODESA participants, as well as the major actors that had remained outside CODESA. This paper takes up the issue where Kempton and Mosia left off. It tries to explain transitional politics since the IC introduced an on-the-ground presence after the UN Security Council debates on South Africa in July 1992. It asks why, eight months after multiparty talks were suspended, the IC has been unable to revive multiparty negotiations, has apparently had little or no impact on the violence, and despite events like Boipatong and Bisho, still plays a minor peacekeeping role, confined to observer status. The research describes internal and external components of international intervention, examines the rationale behind the agreed forms of international participation, and assesses the viability of the internationally-supported conflict-resolution and transition-management structures that were formed to facilitate the transition. The evidence uncovered by the research leads the author to the conclusion that more of an international role is necessary, and sooner rather than later, but he concedes that this is not feasible, or likely, under the status quo.