Thesis (MA (Public and Development Management))-- University of Stellenbosch, 1995. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study assesses public participation in public policy making by way of a case study approach. The Regional Education Boards and the Regional Services Council form part of the case study evaluation of public participation in public policy making. In essence, a structural-functionalist analysis of the two cases is given. From this approach this study points out what the activities of the two institutions are, what services they render and the policy measures with which they are engaged in. This is imperative because by way of an analysis, the extent to which the public is allowed to participate in the policy making process, with reference to the two institutions, is determined. Before the assessment of the two cases a conceptual framework pertaining to public participation in public policy making is given. In this conceptual framework the different typologies, policy levels, participants and the modes of public participation in public policy making are highlighted. In earlier years public participation in public policy making was simply seen as being confined to voting turn-out. As the study of public policy making expanded the operational definition of public participation was broaden to include activities such as campaigning, handing petitions to members of parliament, attending political meetings, writing letters to communication media, written representations submitted to a minister and protest action. Thus, as the study of public policy making expanded it became clear that separate participation modes exist because the activities which emanates from the implementation of public policy differ systematically in the requirements it place on the citizens. What is significant of this thesis is that it proposed a nine-point criteriological model for effective participation in public policy making. Each criterium is analyzed in depth and it is indicated how important it is for effective public participation in public policy making. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie bepaal publieke deelname in openbare beleidmaking by wyse van 'n setwerklike benadering. Die Onderwysstreekrade en die Streekdiensterade vorm deel van hierdie evaluering van publieke deelname in openbare beleidmaking. Vir hierdie benadering word 'n strukturieel - funksionele uiteensetting van die werkswyse en beleidsmaatreëls van die twee instansies gegee. Hierdie uiteensetting is belangrik omrede, deur middel van 'n analise, daar bepaal word tot watter mate die publiek deel uitmaak van die beleidmakingsproses ten opsigte van die twee instansies. Voor die uiteensetting van die setwerklike benadering word 'n raamwerk met betrekking tot die konsepte wat van toepassing is op publieke deelname in openbare beleidmaking, gegee. In hierdie raamwerk word die verskillende tipologieë, beleidsvlakke, deelnemers en die verskillende maniere van publieke deelname in die openbare beleidmakingsproses, uitgebeeld. In vroeër jare was publieke deelname in openbare beleid gesien as bloot deelname aan verkiesings. Namate die studie van openbare beleid uitgebrei het, het die operasionele definisie van publieke deelname groter geword om aktiwiteite soos petisies aan parlementslede, bywoning van politieke vergaderings, briewe aan kommunikasiemedia, geskrewe voorleggings aan ministers en protesaksies in te sluit. Dit het derhalwe duidelik geword dat daar verskillende maniere is betreffende publieke deelname omrede die aktiwiteite wat vloei uit die implementering van openbare beleid in verskillende gemeenskappe, verskillend is. Wat die studie merkwaardig maak is dat dit 'n nege-punt kriteriologiese model vir effektiewe publieke deelname in die openbare beleidmakingsproses voorstel. Elke kriteria word in diepte geanaliseer en dit word uitgewys hoe belangrik dit vir effektiewe publieke deelname in die openbare beleidmakingsproses is.

Thesis (MPA (School of Public Management and Planning))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / The concept of public participation has gained wider acceptance in government circles as a tool to strengthen the pillars of this government’s democratic structures. Globally, governments’ accountability can be gauged by the extent to which they practise public participation in decision-making in facing up to the challenges of the day. The concept of public participation arrived in South Africa in the 1980s and was supposedly applied to the inception of a true democratic dispensation in 1994. In the South African context, public participation cannot be over-emphasised as it underpins the democracy introduced in 1994. Because of the great importance of public participation, the South African government has enacted a number of statutes such as the Constitution (1996) and the Municipal Structures Act (2000) that give substance to public participation. Even though public participation is applied at national and provincial government levels in South Africa, it is principally in the Local Government field where it is widely applied in order to enable good governance and sustainable service delivery. This study examines the role of ward committees in public participation in Local Government, with specific reference to Thulamela Municipality. The study suggests that the transformation and democratisation of South African Local Government can be achieved through effective implementation of public participation at grassroots level. Apart from passing legislation, more needs to be done to stimulate public participation. The study has furthermore found that even though statutes provide for communities to participate in a range of government-created regulatory structures such as the IDP Representative Forums and Ward Committees, municipalities need to develop strategies for public participation. Not only do municipalities need to develop strategies for public participation, they also need to develop proper mechanisms to encourage the participation of community stakeholders and organisations. The study is primarily based on qualitative data collected from Thulamela Municipality through personal interviews with councillors, officials and ward committee members. Moreover, the study also rests on observations at IDP Representative Forums, IDP and Budget consultative meetings, focus group discussions and a review of local government statutes and literature providing knowledge on the subject under study.

Thesis (MPA (School of Public Management and Planning))--University of Stellenbosch, 2007. / This thesis acknowledges the extent to which the South African society has been polarised by the policies and practices resulting from Apartheid. The safeguarding of rights, equal access to and the guarantee of service delivery to all South African citizens became one of the cornerstones of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa (Act 108 of 1996) and one of the vehicles of change and redress. The legislative framework created guides the manner in which the three spheres of government achieve these objectives as one in which they work in a cooperative manner to secure its developmental objectives as captured by the United Nations in the Millennium Development Goals. The growth and development strategies, for which the three spheres of government are responsible, are identified, outlined and analysed to demonstrate the common developmental thread of the three spheres of government. A case is built for the use of the Human Development Index (HDI) as one of indices that could be used as a means of assessing human development. It is further described as an effective methodology in determining the developmental level of people. This methodology is used as an illumining tool to provide support for the provisional comparative analysis of the growth and development strategies of the three spheres of government on the City of Cape Town and the alignment of these strategies to the MDG. The writer will calculate the HDI of the inhabitants of the City of Cape Town and compare these to the provincial and national HDI. The results and findings will be analysed and recommendations and conclusions will follow. The calculations and provisional tentative findings of the HDI of the three spheres of government are provided in Appendix A. Interrelatedness of strategies and deliberate cascading of objectives will be emphasised in terms of the benefit of directive focusing of energies for all three spheres of government. The writer will demonstrate the degree to which these strategies have been deliberately integrated and jointly coordinated by the three spheres of government. The difficulty experienced in accessing adequate data sets has emphasised the need for all three spheres of government to prioritise the coordinated collection, compilation and making data available to ensure that the policy options that are chosen are evidence based and outcomes focussed. This is a significant concern since UN based funding is dependant on well-documented and researched policy options. Findings and recommendations with respect to the comparative analysis are presented in the final chapter with recommendations for future study.

Thesis (MPA (School of Public Management and Planning))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / Globally participatory democracy is viewed as essential to ensure a high level of legitimacy, contribute to empowerment and strengthen democracy. Although South Africa is a representative democracy, it also adheres to the principles of participatory democracy as Parliament and the nine Provincial Legislatures are constitutionally mandated to elicit public participation in its decision-making and policy processes. This study’s main aim is to determine whether the public participation strategies employed in the South African legislative sector at present are effective and enhance decision-making and policy processes. Following a discussion of the theoretical context and rationale for public participation, a limited international perspective on public participation was given. The study proceeded to explore the application of public participation in the local South African context with specific focus on the legislative environment. In order to provide evidence in support of the research statement an investigation was done on the current state of public participation in the South African legislative environment. Responses from a semi-structured questionnaire on public participation in the South African legislative context were processed into a comparative table to obtain an overall picture of the legislative sector. From the findings it is clear that there are many positive factors and innovative ideas in place across the legislative sector, yet the weaknesses still far outweigh the strengths.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2000. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Socio-economic rights are the subject of much debate in South Africa and elsewhere. At first they were simply denied the status of any rights at all. Lately, there is a fair amount of recognition for them as rights. The tendency is, however, to relegate them to paper rights and invest very little effort in bringing about their actual realisation. In this thesis I inquire into the question of what a human right, properly so called, is, and then whether, in the light of that inquiry, there is a basis for the reluctance to embrace socio-economic rights. South Africa is uniquely fortunate in having a constitution that gives recognition to socio-economic rights and requiring the Human Rights Commission to monitor their implementation. But again there is a risk that the recognition of socioeconomic rights is left as a constitutional matter, and nothing or little is done for their practical implementation. Therefore I inquire into the manner in which the Human Rights Commission monitors the implementation of these rights. The inquiry into the Human Rights Commission's monitoring role is largely a question of methodology. Whether, in other words, the methods of the Commission are such as to yield reliable information on the subject. I also inquire whether the government's budgetary allocations indicate a serious approach to these rights. The budgetary allocations that are brought under the microscope relate to the seven core rights enshrined in the constitution, namely, housing, health care, food, water, social security, education, and environmental rights. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Sosio-ekonomiese regte is die onderwerp van vele debatte in Suid-Afrika en elders. Aanvanklik was daar nie erkenning gegee aan die status van hierdie regte nie. Hierdie situasie het die afgelope tyd begin verander. Die tendens is egter steeds om dit te sien as regte slegs op papier en daar word nie 'n poging aangewend vir die realisering van hierdie regte nie. Ek ondersoek in hierdie tesis die kwessie van wat 'n mensereg, korrek so genoem, is en ook of, in die lig van hierdie ondersoek, daar 'n basis is vir die huiwering om sosio-ekonomiese regte te aanvaar. Suid-Afrika is uniek in die sin dat die konstitusie erkenning gee aan sosioekonomiese regte en die Waarheid-en Versoeningskommissie opdrag gegee het om die implementering daarvan te monitor. Daar is egter weereens die risiko dat die erkenning van sosio-ekonomiese regte slegs gesien word as 'n konstitusionele aangeleentheid en dat niks of baie min gedoen word rakende die praktiese implementering daarvan. Ek stel daarom ook ondersoek in na die wyse waarop die Menseregtekommissie die implementering van hierdie regte moniteer. Die ondersoek na die monitering van die Menseregtekommissie is hoofsaaklik metodologies van aard; dus of die metodes wat gebruik is, deur die Menseregtekommissie, betroubare inligting verskaf. Ek ondersoek ook of die regering se begrotingallokasies 'n ernstige ingesteldheid jeens hierdie regte toon. Die begrotingsaspekte wat ondersoek word hou verband met die sewe kernregte soos vervat in die konstitusie naamlik behuising, gesondheidsorg, voedsel, water, sosiale sekuriteit, opvoeding en omgewingsregte.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2000. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study attempts to overcome past failings in the analysis of post-apartheid South Africa's foreign policy. In contrast to "explanations" offered by most previous analyses, this work demonstrates that the behaviour exhibited by Pretoria is not immutable or simply subject to the global "realities", but is derivative of the specific historic conjuncture of forces that joined together during the transition from apartheid, and which remain open-ended. The changes in the African National Congress' economic and political policies during the transition period are seen as the key to any attempt to understand Pretoria's post-1994 foreign policy behaviour. This is intimately connected to the structural changes in the international political economy and the change in the balance of international class forces brought about by the neo-liberal counter revolution. Deploying a theoretical framework derivative of the work of the Italian Marxist, Antonio Gramsci, this study situates South Africa's foreign policy in a world where the ideology of neo-liberalism has achieved hegemonic status amongst the transnational elite class - fractions of national elites, representing and reflecting the interests of money capital. Such a hegemonic project informs the beliefs of the Government of National Unity and the subsequent foreign policy activities postured by Pretoria. This study attempts to understand how and why the ANCacceded to the dominant discourse of neo-liberalism and why this must be contextualised within the structural constraints brought to bear upon the GNUin an increasingly globalised world. This accession to neo-liberal beliefs has gIVen nse to contradictions within the domestic polity between contending class fractions and within the ANC'sown ranks. This has provoked a fundamental tension in Pretoria's overall foreign policy, where on the one hand South Africa accepts the fundamental normative world order, whilst on the other pushes various reformist initiatives which seek to re-negotiate Pretoria's standing within this framework. Specifically, South Africa's behaviour in multilateral organisations has been marked by a tactical middlepowermanship role, essentially problem-solving, which seeks to smooth out the international system so that the ongoing world order may function as "efficiently" as possible. Such behaviour has been qualitatively different from the activist role that was expected from an ANC-led administration. Indeed, the activism exhibited by South Africa has been largely centred around the promotion of the liberalisation of markets and free trade, albeit tempered by an awareness of the need to reconcile its acceptance of the hegemonic order, with that of the appeals of a historically important fraction of its support constituency: the Left and labour. Attempts to reconcile these two positions, of promoting "free" trade whilst at the same time demanding "fair" trade for example, mirror the broader contradictions that have been evident in South African foreign policy. They reflect the historic compromise that saw the ANCcome to administrative power, and also the desire by the government to balance its neo-liberal credentials with certain reformist convictions. This has been most evident in Pretoria's behaviour in multilateral organisations. SLXmultilateral initiatives, and Pretoria's role within each, are examined: the World Trade Organisation, the Cairns Group, the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, the Non-Aligned Movement, the Commonwealth, and the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. Implications for future South African foreign policy are drawn out, and a critical eye cast on whether such roles played out by Pretoria are immutable, or subject to change. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie poog om vorige tekortkominge in die analise van post-apartheid Suid-Afrika se buitelandse beleid te oorkom. In teenstelling met die "verduidelikings" wat deur meeste vorige analises gebied word, illustreer die werk dat Pretoria se buitelandse gedragspatroon nie onveranderlik is en bloot onderhewig is aan die globale "realiteite" nie, maar voortvloei uit die besondere historiese tydsgewrig van magte wat saamgevoeg is gedurende die oorgang van apartheid na 'n onvoorspelbare era. Die veranderinge binne die African National Congress se ekonomiese en politieke beleid gedurende die oorgang periode word voorgehou as die sleutel tot enige poging om Pretoria se post-1994 buitelandse gedrag te verklaar. Strukturele veranderinge in die internasionale politieke ekonomie en die veranderinge in die magsbalans tussen internasionale klasse as gevolg van neo-liberalisme, het 'n fundamentele impak op die aard van hierdie buitelandse gedrag. Met behulp van 'n teoretiese raamwerk gedistilleer uit die werk van die Italiaanse Marxis, Antonio Gramsci plaas die studie Suid-Afrika se buitelandse beleid in 'n wêreld waarin die neo-liberale ideologie hoogty vier veral onder die transnasionale elite klas - fraksies van nasionale elites verteenwoordigend van die belange van finansiële kapitaal. Sodanige hegemoniese projek onderlê die oortuiging van die Regering van Nasionale Eenheid (RNE) en voortvloeiende buitelandse beleidsaksies. Die studie probeer vasstel hoe en waarom die ANC toenemend gehoor gegee het aan die oorheersende neo-liberale diskoers en waarom hierdie toetreding gekontekstualiseer moet word in terme van die strukturele beperkinge waaronder die RNE onderhewig is in 'n immerglobaliserende wêreld. Hierdie toetrede tot neo-liberale oortuiginge het aanleiding gegee tot teenstrydighede intern, tussen strydende klasfraksies asook binne die ANC se eie geledere. Hierdie teenstrydighede word ook weerspieël in Pretoria se buitelandsebeleids aksies in die algemeen. Aan die een kant aanvaar Suid- Afrika fundamenteel die normatiewe basis van wêreldorde, terwyl daar ook aan die ander kant gepoog word om Pretoria se posisie binne hierdie wêreldorde te bowe te kom. Suid-Afrika se gedrag in multilaterale organisasies in die besonder word gekenmerk deur 'n taktiese intermediêre rol ("middlepower role") hoofsaaklik van 'n probleem-oplossende aard, wat daarop gemik is om die internasionale sisteem so glad moontlik te funksioneer en teenstrydighede binne die wêreldorde te oorkom. Hierdie rol konstitueer 'n fundamentele wysiging van die aktivistiese rol wat van 'n ANC-regeerde Suid-Afrika verwag is. Die aktiwiteite wat wel deur Suid-Afrika geopenbaar is, sentreer hoofsaaklik om die bevordering van vrye en regverdige handel, alhoewel gerigsnoer deur 'n bewustheid van die behoefte om sodanige posisie te versoen met die aanvaarding van die bestaande hegemoniese orde aan die een kant en die eise van arbeid en politieke steun aan die Linkerkant van die politieke spektrum. Pogings om hierdie twee posisies te versoen - om "vrye" sowel as "regverdige" handel te versoen byvoorbeeld, weerkaats die algemene teenstrydighede waardeur Suid-Afrikaanse buitelandse beleid gekenmerk word. Die paradokse is tekenend van die historiese kompromie wat tot die ANC se bewindsoorname aanleiding gegee het asook die regering se behoefte om sy neoliberale orientasie te balanseer met bepaalde hevormingsoortuiginge. Hierdie patroon is besonder merkbaar in die geval van multilaterale organisasies. Ses multilaterale inisiatiewe en Pretoria se verhoudinge met elk van die volgende internasionale organisasies word van naderby bekyk, veral ten opsigte van die Wêreldhandelsorganisasie, die Cairns Groep, die Verenigde Nasies Konferensie oor Handel en Ontwikkeling, die Onverbonde Beweging, die Statebond en die Kernspêrverdrag. Daar word gewys op die implikasies vir Suid- Afrika se buitelandse beleid, terwyl daar krities gevra word of sodanige rolle wat deur Pretoria gespeel word, 'n bepaalde onveranderlikheid geniet of ook onderhewig is aan veranderinge.

D.Litt. et Phil. / Non-violent mass-based protest and resistance by liberation groups have a long history in the South African context. Prior to the 1980s, they had achieved only minor and isolated successes. The formation of the United Democratic Front (UDF) in 1983 and its successful mass protest action against the state to 1990, changed the equation, however. The UDF's origin could indirectly be traced back to attempts from the 1950s to launch mass-based protest and resistance against the apartheid state. Calls for the formation of a united front against the South African State were made by various persons and organisations since the 1950s, but it was only by the 1980s that circumstances allowed the formation of a united front. Demographic realities, urbanisation, the legalisation of black trade unions, an educated leadership, the growth of a grassroots-based civil society among blacks, all contributed to make the formation of the UDF a reality. Protest against the government's tricameral system, initially provided the direct stimulus for the formation of the UDF during 1983 to 1984. By the end of 1984, the UDF had built up a wide support base to directly threaten the government's position. The result was several states of emergency through which the state endeavoured to crush the UDF-led opposition. The UDF's unique structure, which consisted of affiliates from all sectors of civil society, including black trade unions as an alliance partner, managed to survive the state's repressive measures, continued to pressurise the state so that by 1989, under a new head-of-state, the National Party "capitulated" and opened the door to real elections for a democratic South Africa. The UDF's strategies were aimed to mobilise the masses and through its mass-based action, bring maximum pressure to bear on the government. This strategic approach was executed by employing various tactics, which related to the classic methods of mass-based non-violent action. In the end, the state's security apparatus proved unable to cope with the UDF's relentless actions, offset by its inability to act effectively against the UDF as an entity, mainly because of its amorphous structure. Although other factors, such as economic recession, foreign sanctions, the ANC campaign to isolate South Africa, among other played a role, the UDF provided the crucial domestic impetus to illustrate to the South African government, that black resistance couldn't be suppressed and that the situation would continue to worsen. Seen against this background, it is unlikely that CODESA would have occurred as soon as it did without the activities of the UDF throughout the 1980s.

University of the Witwatersrand Faculty of Humanities Political Studies Master’s Research Report, February 2017 / The history of segregation in South Africa is well documented. The shadows of the apartheid system still linger in society to date, especially in the form of racial inequality, race consciousness and racial classification. Contemporary student protests and vandalism in institutions of higher education reveal deep-seated tensions that open a can of worms concerning race and equality – elements that have long been of concern in the Black Consciousness Movement and its ideology in the early 1960s and 70s. This research report assesses how Black Consciousness tenets’ and rhetoric are re-emerging in the current national student movement, from the #RhodesMustFall to the #FeesMustFall movements. Black Consciousness ideology in South Africa, as articulated by Biko, sought the attainment of a radical egalitarian and non-racial society. Amongst some of the espoused principles of the Black Consciousness Movement that defined South African youth politics in the 1970s, is that Black Consciousness emphasised values of black solidarity, self-reliance, individual and collective responsibility, and black liberation. The year 2015 witnessed the resurgence of Black Consciousness language at the forefront of student movements, most notably the #RhodesMustFall and the #FeesMustFall campaigns. The #FeesMustFall movement and its supporters uphold that their cause is legitimate because it does not make sense for household incomes to depreciate next to escalating costs of living and rising tuition fees. It further states that the ANC fears it because its demands stand contrary to ANC-led government’s interests and have accused the ANC of attempting to capture the movement – hence the declaration that #FeesMustFall is a direct critique of the entire socio-economic and political order of the ruling ANC and exposes ANC corruption and betrayal. The movement continues, though its cause tends to be diluted and convoluted, the struggle is real but so is the legacy of Biko and the spirit of Black Consciousness. / MT2018

A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Arts at the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, for the degree of Master of Arts. Johannesburg 1995. / This thesis set out to investigate the relation between hostels and the political violence on the Reef between July 1990 and December 1993 which claimed 4756 lives. This relation is anchored in a broader discussion of firstly, political violence in South Africa generally, and secondly of the hostel system. This contextualisation frames the investigation of two Sowetan hostels Meadowlands and Merafe. These two hostels were among those that became focal points of political violence on the Reef during the period under review. The thesis argues that the political violence and conflict on the Reef between 1990 and 1993 constituted a "war" in which these and other hostels played a crucial part. The Inkatha Freedom Party colonised these institutions, ejected non-Zulu and ANC supporters and transformed the hostels from migrants camps into "fortresses of fear" from which many attacks on township residents were launched. The thesis attempts to understand this process through an in-depth investigation of Meadowlands and Merafe hostels as case studies. It attempts to draw a sociological profile of these two hostels. This has involved examining these hostels as social institutions, the social relations and culture operating within them, and their place in the social structure of the surrounding community. The thesis has included an investigation of the social characteristics of hostel residents such as their ethnic identity, age, gender identity, marital, employment status, political affiliation and work history. These multiple identities are components in attempting to explain the participation of many hostel residents in political violence. Through a series of in-depth interviews the thesis has attempted to map their different experiences and understandings of political violence in relation to their broader aspirations, beliefs and world views. It is asserted that any investigation of the relation between hostels and political violence requires this attempt to map a 'view from below' which goes deeper than official statistics and media accounts. / AC2017

Thesis presented in fulfilment of requirements for the degree of MA at the University of the Witwatersrand, 2017 / This thesis examines the role of the Sun City casino within the context of apartheid homeland policy. The casino was established in the bantustan of Bophuthatswana in 1979, following the abolition of gambling in South Africa, with introduction of the 1965 Gambling Act. This study is motivated by two research questions: (1) the political and economic effects of the casino’s operation in Bophuthatswana; and (2) Sun City’s promotion of Bophuthatswana’s status as an independent state from South Africa. The research for this project was obtained through archival and manuscript materials, oral interviews as well as newspapers archives. The thesis is divided into five chapters which track the trajectory of Sun City’s development. The development and construction of Sun City are explored with regards to the financial contributions by the Bophuthatswana and South African governments. Secondly, the role that the governments of Bophuthatswana and South Africa played in the development of the casino and the political impact thereof. Further, the employment at the casino is investigated, regarding the economic promises made to the both the governments by Southern Sun. The area surrounding Sun City had a high unemployment rate and the resort was promoted as means to curtail this problem. The attractions Sun City offered such as burlesque shows and prostitution are discussed, with specific reference to the casino as a place of racial integration and conspicuous consumption. The sanctions and boycotts are explored regarding the cohort of international sporting and musical entertainers hosted at Sun City and the shifts in the boycott following 1990. Lastly, the fall of bantustan policy is outlined, for the reincorporation of bantustan territories into South Africa highlighted questions of gambling legality. This thesis concludes that Sun City brought exposure and infrastructure to Bophuthatswana, but most of the motivations employed to build the casino, such as high taxation, increased employment and the development of a heritage for the ‘Tswana’ people never materialised. The Sun City casino scheme aimed to further enrich individuals such as Kerzner and Mangope and the marketed benefits were not realised for the Bophuthatswana citizens. / XL2018