Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis deals with nation-building in South Africa since 1994 with a view to finding out the direction taken by nation-building since then. This issue has been and it still is a controversial issue in South Africa. The new dispensation in South Africa occasioned a need for the creation of new national institutions, leaders and policies for the nation. Hence, an inclusive/liberal nation-building programme was put in place. Since 1994 this programme has been carried out by two presidents, namely former president Mandela (1994-1999) and President Mbeki (1999-2002+) respectively. Nevertheless, these two leaders do not only subscribe to different philosophies but also have two divergent approaches to nation-building. Although they are both individualists, Mandela is Charterist whereas Mbeki is an Africanist. Moreover, Mandela promoted nation-building through reconciliation and corporatism. Mbeki's approach to nation-building, on the contrary, emphasises transformation and empowerment through the market. These approaches seem contradictory and thus mutually exclusive. This does not augur weU for fragile democracy of South Africa. Therefore, an attempt will be made to find out whether this is true and thus finding out the direction taken by nationbuilding. This will be done by comparing the Mandela and Mbeki approaches to nation-building. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie werkstuk handeloor nasiebou in Suid-Afrika sedert 1994, met die doelom die tendense sedertdien te bepaal. Dit was en is steeds 'n kontroversiële kwessie in Suid- Afrika. Die nuwe bedeling in Suid-Afrika het dit noodsaaklik gemaak dat nuwe instellings, leiers en beleide in die nasie tot stand sal kom. Daar is vervolgens op 'n inklusiewe/liberale nasiebou program besluit. Sedert 1994 was dit uitgevoer onder die leierskap van twee presidente, te wete Mandela (1994-1999) en Mbeki (1999-2002+) respektiewelik. Dié twee leiers onderskryf verskillende filosofieë en het ook verskillende benaderings tot nasiebou. Beide is individualiste, en Mandela die Charteris terwyl Mbeki weer die Afrikanis is. Meer spesifiek, Mandela het nasiebou bevorder deur versoening en korporatisme te bevorder. Mbeki aan die ander kant, plaas weer klem op transformasie en bemagtiging deur die mark. Hierdie benaderings skyn teenstrydig te wees. Daarom is 'n poging aangewend om te bepaal hoe insiggewend die verskille is en wat die tendense is. Moontlik spel dit niks goeds vir die nuwe demokrasie nie. Dit is gedoen deur Mandela en Mbeki sistematies te vergelyk.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2004. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The goal of this thesis was to evaluate the success of neo-liberalism in South Africa, with specific reference to the capacity of the policy to eradicate poverty and reduce inequality. The dispute about the aptness of nee-liberalism in South Africa also relates to the broader debate concerning the success of neo-liberalism in creating economic growth to the benefit of all members of society. A qualitative analysis of the research and diverging opinions with regards to neo-liberalism was used to derive an objective framework for the evaluation of economic policy. This framework was then used as the basis of an evaluation of the success of neo-liberalism in South Africa. It was found that neo-liberalism is generally successful in the generation of economic growth with the capacity to address poverty, and that the implementation of neo-liberal policies does not necessarily lead to an increase in inequality. It was, however, also proven that there are specific cases in which neo-liberalism is not successful. It was therefore argued that the continuation of neo-liberal policies in South Africa cannot be justified on the grounds of the success of the policy in the global context. Seeing as the success of the policy seems to be context specific, it was argued that evaluations of the policy should have the same context specific basis. Since South Africa's political transition ID 1994, neo-liberalism has gradually been established as the foundation of economic policy. The success of neo-liberalism in South Africa was therefore evaluated through an analysis of the changes in the levels of poverty and inequality in the country since this transition. It was found that very little progress has been made in the reduction of inequality, that poverty has increased and that South Africa's Human Development Index (as an indication of the success of development policy) has decreased since 1994. It was therefore concluded that neo-liberalism in South-Africa is not successful, and that it is thus necessary to identify an alternative framework for the eradication of poverty and reduction of inequality in the country. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie tesis was om die sukses van neo-liberalisme in die verligting van armoede en vermindering van ongelykheid in Suid-Afrika te bepaal. Die debat oor die wenslikheid van neo-liberalisme in Suid-Afrika skakelook in by die breër debat rakende die sukses van neo-liberalisme in die generering van ekonomiese groei tot voordeel van alle lede van die samelewing. Daar is daarom gepoog om deur 'n kwalitatiewe analise van die navorsing en verskillende standpunte oor die onderwerp 'n objektiewe raamwerk vir die evaluering van ekonomiese beleid af te lei. Hierdie raamwerk is gebruik as basis vir 'n evaluering van neo-liberalisme in Suid-Afrika. Daar is bevind dat neo-liberalisme oor die algemeen suksesvol is in die generering van ekonomiese groei ter verligting van armoede, en dat die implementering van neo-liberale ekonomiese beleidsmaatreëls nie noodwendig gepaard gaan met groter ongelykheid nie. Daar is egter ook bewys gelewer van spesifieke gevalle waar neo-liberalisme onsuksesvol is. Daarom word daar geredeneer dat die voortsetting van neo-liberalisme in Suid-Afrika nie op grond van die sukses van die beleid in die globale konteks gemotiveer kan word nie. Die sukses van die beleid blyk konteks-spesifiek te wees, en die evaluering daarvan behoort dus dieselfde konteks-spesifieke basis te hê. Neo-liberalisme is sedert die politieke oorgang in Suid-Afrika in 1994 geleidelik gevestig as die basis van ekonomiese beleid. Die sukses van neo-liberalisme in Suid-Afrika is dus geëvalueer deur 'n analise van die veranderinge in vlakke van armoede en ongelykheid sedert hierdie oorgang. Daar is bevind dat daar min vordering gemaak is met die vermindering van ongelykheid, dat vlakke van armoede verhoog het, en dat Suid-Afrika se Menslike Ontwikkelingsindeks (as aanduiding van sukses van ontwikkelingsbeleid) sedert 1994 afgeneem het. Daar is dus tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat neo-liberalisme in Suid-Afrika rue suksesvol is nie, en dat dit nodig is om 'n alternatiewe raamwerk vir die verligting van armoede en vermindering van ongelykheid in die land te identifiseer.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study attempts to analyse the global economic system in light of the ongoing financial crisis, which is seen as a symptom of a larger crisis of the legitimacy of the capitalist system. It takes a critical approach based, first and foremost, on the theories of Karl Marx. To broaden this application, it also adopts the perspective of the World Systems and neo-Gramscian schools of thought. The study analyses, and synthesises, the theoretical contributions of these approaches, allowing for the conceptualisation of a World System, based upon the tenets of capitalism, with a hegemon, the United States of America, at its apex. Using the historical materialist method, it traces the genesis and progress of the capitalist model. It analyses the particular style of accumulation which precipitated the current crisis. From there it examines the situation in the semi-periphery, the locus of past socialist revolutions. To this end, it regards the case of South Africa, an intermediary, between the industrialised core and the underdeveloped periphery. It uses Robert Cox‟s assessment of the importance of social forces in maintaining or supplanting a hegemonic project. Although the study finds South African society fraught with contradictions, alternative social movements currently remain unable to produce a coherent emancipatory programme. While the crisis, and other recent events, have illuminated the contradictions inherent to capitalism, despite widespread popular mobilisation, coherent responses from the Left remain deficient. The hegemonic structures and institutions are bereft of the necessary prescriptions for a resolution to the situation, yet in this moment of opportunity, the Left appears unable to articulate and mobilise sufficiently to bring about an emancipatory, counter-hegemonic, movement. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie probeer om die globale ekonomiese stelsel binne die konteks van die voortslepende finansiële krisis Hierdie krisies word beskou as 'n simptoom van 'n meer omvattende krisies onderliggend aan die legitimiteit van die kapitalistiese stelsel. Dit volg in die eerste plek ʼn kritiese benadering gebaseer op die teorieë van Karl Marx. Om hierdie toepassing te verbreed, word daar ook gebruik gemaak van die Wêreldstelsel- en neo-Gramscian denkskole. Die studie analiseer en sintetiseer, die teoretiese bydraes van hierdie benaderings, met inagneming van die konseptualisering van ʼn Wêreldstelsel, gebaseer op die beginsels van kapitalisme, met ʼn hegemoon, die Verenigde State van Amerika, aan sy spits. Met behulp van die historiese materialistiese metode gaan dit die wordingsgeskiedenis en verloop van die kapitalistiese model na. Dit analiseer die besondere vorm van akkumulasie wat grondliggend is aan die huidige krisis. Daarna ondersoek dit die situasie in die semi-periferie, die lokus van vorige sosialistiese revolusies. Met daardie doel voor oë fokus die tesis op die geval van Suid-Afrika, ʼn tussenganger, tussen die geïndustrialiseerde kern en die onderontwikkelde periferie. Daar word bevind dat die die Suid-Afrikaanse samelewing vol teenstrydighede is, maar, nietemin, alternatiewe sosiale bewegings tans nie daartoe in staat is om ʼn koherente emansipatoriese program tot stand te bring nie. Terwyl die krisies en ander gebeure, lig gewerp het op die teenstrydighede inherent aan kapitalisme, ontbreek, desondanks wydverspreide algemene mobilisering, koherente reaksies vanuit die Linksgesinde kamp. Die hegemoniese strukture en instellings ly gebrek aan lewensvatbare voorskrifte vir 'n oplossing en Linksgesindes, nieteenstaande die opportunistiese oomblik, is nie daartoe in staat is om te ʼn emansipatoriese, teen-hegemoniese beweging te artikuleer en te mobiliseer nie.

Thesis (PhD (School of Public Management and Planning ))—University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / Among the multitude of problems that contemporary South Africa is faced with, is corruption. Corruption in contemporary South Africa has spread to a systemic level, as evidenced through national and international research, official government statements, and the media. The leakage of billions of Rand from government coffers to greedy individuals is alarming. Allegations of corruption are increasingly implicating top government and party officials. Some of government payrolls are invaded by ghost workers; government accounts are charged by over- and under-invoicing, phantom billing and ghost beneficiaries. Resources are diverted and leaked in the process of supply chain activities. Against these, ICTs are not well placed, despite their capabilities to counter administrative corruption. The dissertation focuses on exploring the answers to the following questions in the South African public sector. i. What is corruption and why is it still increasing, despite the availability of ICTs that can effectively assist in tracking and tracing irregularities in the financial system? ii. How sufficiently and effectively are ICTs designed to minimise susceptibility to corruption in financial transactions, HR issues, and the activities (elements) of the supply chain? iii. How cohesive and integrated are the sub-systems and systems in the anticorruption industry (organisationally, nationally and internationally) in order to close the loopholes for corruption? iv. Is there a nationally centralised database system that is used as a frame of reference in administrative decision making? v. What general problems are there in the anti-corruption system? 6 In the effort to move from the conceptual to the empirical level, these problems provide the main stimulus for exploring the status and role of information technologies in the anti-corruption system.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: 1. Aim of study The main aim of this study is to collect and evaluate the different ways of the theorizing of local power configurations and to assemble the elements thereof in a theoretical framework. A conclusion on the significance thereof for the South-African context is then drawn. To reach this aim, it was attempted to identify all the basic elements of all local power configurations and to show how the contents thereof change continuously and are determined by the powers therein. 2. The nature of local power configurations Local power configurations are those networks of dynamic relations, which occur between persons and groups and between persons and their needs, institutions and social, economical, political and natural environments, which influence people of a local political area, their actions and opinions and thus control the issues and people of that area. Local power configurations therefore consist of nine elements namely (1) changes which are continuously caused by (2) the biological characteristics and (3) interpretation of people and (4) by active powers which try to influence them. They are also further influenced by natural powers (they are (5) the natural environment, (6) people's needs and (7) natural resources) and created powers (they are (8) social patterns and products, (9) economic order and (10) political processes and structures). These basic elements of local power configurations exist under higher power configurations which consist of the same elements. The complexity of local power configurations is related to the overlapping of elements between these different power configurations. Neighbouring local power configurations can also share elements so that changes in the elements of one power configuration can have an influence on the neighbouring one. Similarly the changes in the elements of the power configurations on higher levels such as region, national and global also have important implications for the elements of local power configurations. Since active powers bring their influence to bear according to their conscious or unconscious interpretation of their situation, their exercise of power is therefore continually unique and therefore unexpected changes of the elements may occur. In order to prevent this, the national power configuration tries to structure the local power configuration in such a way that it limits its space for unique power actions. In this study the relations between these powers and how they influence each other are treated in detail. 3. South African local power configurations The local power configurations of South Africa function according to the same elements that occur at all local power configurations. The uniqueness of the South African local power configurations lies only in the contents which are given to it in South Africa. The contents of South African local power configurations are largely prescribed by the constitution and national laws. They specify the functioning of local politics in South Africa, which forms an important aspect of local power configurations. This, together with the nature of the South African cultural milieu and the nature of the natural environment and human needs, has an important impact on local power configurations. Yet local South African people and groups maintain their ability through their interpretation to act within their circumstances in original ways and bring about positive or negative changes to people's quality of life. 4. Guide material This study tries to furnish guide material to prospective researchers of South African local power configurations. Thereby academics can make a contribution so that local power configurations are directed towards change which is beneficial to the people. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: 1. Doel van studie Die oorhoofse doel van hierdie studie is om die verskillende wyses van teoretisering oor plaaslike magsopsette te versamel, te beoordeel en die elemente daarvan in 'n teoretiese raamwerk saam te vat en 'n gevolgtrekking te maak oor die betekenis daarvan vir die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks. Om hierdie doel te bereik, is gepoog om die basiese elemente van alle plaaslike magsopsette te identifiseer en aan te toon hoedat die inhoud daarvan voortdurend verander en bepaal word deur die magte daarin. 2. Aard van plaaslike magsopsette Plaaslike magsopsette is daardie netwerk van dinamiese verhoudinge, wat voorkom tussen persone en groepe en tussen hulle en hul behoeftes, instellings en sosiale, ekonomiese, politieke en natuurlike omgewings, wat mense, van 'n plaaslike politieke gebied, se handelinge en beskouings beinvloed en so die sake en mense in daardie gebied beheer. Plaaslike magsopsette behels dus (1) verandering wat voortdurend deur (2) menslike biologiese eienskappe en (3) betekenisgewing veroorsaak word en (4) aktiewe magte wat dit probeer beinvloed. Dit word ook beinvloed deur natuurlike magte, (dit is (5) die natuurlike omgewing, (6) menslike behoeftes en (7) natuurlike hulpbronne) en geskepte magte (dit is (8) sosiale patrone en produkte, (9) ekonomiese ordening en (10) politieke prosesse en strukture). Hierdie basiese elemente van plaaslike magsopsette staan onder hoer magsopsette wat uit dieselfde elemente bestaan. Die ingewikkeldheid van magsopsette hou verband met die oorvleueling van elemente tussen hierdie verskillende magsopsette. Naburige plaaslike magsopsette kan ook elemente deel sodat die verandering in een magsopset se elemente 'n invloed op die naburige een het. So ook het die verandering in die elemente van die magsopsette op hoer vlakke soos streek, nasionaal en globaal ook belangrike implikasies vir die elemente van die plaaslike magsopset. Omdat aktiewe magte hulle invloed laat geld volgens hulle bewustelike of onbewustelike betekenisgewing van hulle situasie, veroorsaak dit dat hulle magsuitoefening voortdurend uniek kan wees en onverwagte wysigings aan die elemente tot gevolg kan he. luis om dit te verhoed poog die nasionale magsopset om die plaaslike magsopset so te struktureer dat dit beperkte ruimte vir unieke magshandelinge laat. In hierdie studie word hierdie verhoudinge tussen hierdie magte en hoe hulle mekaar kan beinvloed breedvoerig behandel. 3. Suid-Afrikaanse plaaslike magsopsette Suid-Afrika se plaaslike magsopsette funksioneer op grond van dieselfde elemente wat by aIle plaaslike magsopsette voorkom. Die uniekheid van Suid-Afrika se plaaslike magsopsette Ie aIleen in die inhoud wat in Suid-Afrika daaraan gegee word. Die inhoud van Suid-Afrikaanse plaaslike magsopsette word grootliks voorgeskryf deur die grondwet en nasionale wette. Dit spesifiseer die funksionering van die plaaslike politiek in Suid- Afrika, wat 'n belangrike aspek van plaaslike magsopsette uitmaak. Dit, tesame met die aard van die Suid-Afrikaanse kulturele milieu en die stand van die natuurlike omgewing en menslike behoeftes, het 'n belangrike impak op plaaslike magsopsette. Tog behou plaaslike Suid-Afrikaanse mense en groepe deur hulle betekenisgewing die vermoe om in hulle omstandighede op oorspronklike wyses te handel en positiewe of negatiewe veranderings aan mense se lewensgehalte aan te bring. 4. Gidsmateriaal Hierdie studie poog om gidsmateriaal te verskaf aan voornemende navorsers van Suid- Afrikaanse plaaslike magsopsette. Daardeur kan akademici 'n bydrae lewer dat plaaslike magsopsette gerig word op verandering wat vir plaaslike mense voordelig is.

Thesis (MA (Public and Development Management))-- University of Stellenbosch, 1995. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study assesses public participation in public policy making by way of a case study approach. The Regional Education Boards and the Regional Services Council form part of the case study evaluation of public participation in public policy making. In essence, a structural-functionalist analysis of the two cases is given. From this approach this study points out what the activities of the two institutions are, what services they render and the policy measures with which they are engaged in. This is imperative because by way of an analysis, the extent to which the public is allowed to participate in the policy making process, with reference to the two institutions, is determined. Before the assessment of the two cases a conceptual framework pertaining to public participation in public policy making is given. In this conceptual framework the different typologies, policy levels, participants and the modes of public participation in public policy making are highlighted. In earlier years public participation in public policy making was simply seen as being confined to voting turn-out. As the study of public policy making expanded the operational definition of public participation was broaden to include activities such as campaigning, handing petitions to members of parliament, attending political meetings, writing letters to communication media, written representations submitted to a minister and protest action. Thus, as the study of public policy making expanded it became clear that separate participation modes exist because the activities which emanates from the implementation of public policy differ systematically in the requirements it place on the citizens. What is significant of this thesis is that it proposed a nine-point criteriological model for effective participation in public policy making. Each criterium is analyzed in depth and it is indicated how important it is for effective public participation in public policy making. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie bepaal publieke deelname in openbare beleidmaking by wyse van 'n setwerklike benadering. Die Onderwysstreekrade en die Streekdiensterade vorm deel van hierdie evaluering van publieke deelname in openbare beleidmaking. Vir hierdie benadering word 'n strukturieel - funksionele uiteensetting van die werkswyse en beleidsmaatreëls van die twee instansies gegee. Hierdie uiteensetting is belangrik omrede, deur middel van 'n analise, daar bepaal word tot watter mate die publiek deel uitmaak van die beleidmakingsproses ten opsigte van die twee instansies. Voor die uiteensetting van die setwerklike benadering word 'n raamwerk met betrekking tot die konsepte wat van toepassing is op publieke deelname in openbare beleidmaking, gegee. In hierdie raamwerk word die verskillende tipologieë, beleidsvlakke, deelnemers en die verskillende maniere van publieke deelname in die openbare beleidmakingsproses, uitgebeeld. In vroeër jare was publieke deelname in openbare beleid gesien as bloot deelname aan verkiesings. Namate die studie van openbare beleid uitgebrei het, het die operasionele definisie van publieke deelname groter geword om aktiwiteite soos petisies aan parlementslede, bywoning van politieke vergaderings, briewe aan kommunikasiemedia, geskrewe voorleggings aan ministers en protesaksies in te sluit. Dit het derhalwe duidelik geword dat daar verskillende maniere is betreffende publieke deelname omrede die aktiwiteite wat vloei uit die implementering van openbare beleid in verskillende gemeenskappe, verskillend is. Wat die studie merkwaardig maak is dat dit 'n nege-punt kriteriologiese model vir effektiewe publieke deelname in die openbare beleidmakingsproses voorstel. Elke kriteria word in diepte geanaliseer en dit word uitgewys hoe belangrik dit vir effektiewe publieke deelname in die openbare beleidmakingsproses is.

Thesis (MPA (School of Public Management and Planning))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / The concept of public participation has gained wider acceptance in government circles as a tool to strengthen the pillars of this government’s democratic structures. Globally, governments’ accountability can be gauged by the extent to which they practise public participation in decision-making in facing up to the challenges of the day. The concept of public participation arrived in South Africa in the 1980s and was supposedly applied to the inception of a true democratic dispensation in 1994. In the South African context, public participation cannot be over-emphasised as it underpins the democracy introduced in 1994. Because of the great importance of public participation, the South African government has enacted a number of statutes such as the Constitution (1996) and the Municipal Structures Act (2000) that give substance to public participation. Even though public participation is applied at national and provincial government levels in South Africa, it is principally in the Local Government field where it is widely applied in order to enable good governance and sustainable service delivery. This study examines the role of ward committees in public participation in Local Government, with specific reference to Thulamela Municipality. The study suggests that the transformation and democratisation of South African Local Government can be achieved through effective implementation of public participation at grassroots level. Apart from passing legislation, more needs to be done to stimulate public participation. The study has furthermore found that even though statutes provide for communities to participate in a range of government-created regulatory structures such as the IDP Representative Forums and Ward Committees, municipalities need to develop strategies for public participation. Not only do municipalities need to develop strategies for public participation, they also need to develop proper mechanisms to encourage the participation of community stakeholders and organisations. The study is primarily based on qualitative data collected from Thulamela Municipality through personal interviews with councillors, officials and ward committee members. Moreover, the study also rests on observations at IDP Representative Forums, IDP and Budget consultative meetings, focus group discussions and a review of local government statutes and literature providing knowledge on the subject under study.

Thesis (MPA (School of Public Management and Planning))--University of Stellenbosch, 2007. / This thesis acknowledges the extent to which the South African society has been polarised by the policies and practices resulting from Apartheid. The safeguarding of rights, equal access to and the guarantee of service delivery to all South African citizens became one of the cornerstones of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa (Act 108 of 1996) and one of the vehicles of change and redress. The legislative framework created guides the manner in which the three spheres of government achieve these objectives as one in which they work in a cooperative manner to secure its developmental objectives as captured by the United Nations in the Millennium Development Goals. The growth and development strategies, for which the three spheres of government are responsible, are identified, outlined and analysed to demonstrate the common developmental thread of the three spheres of government. A case is built for the use of the Human Development Index (HDI) as one of indices that could be used as a means of assessing human development. It is further described as an effective methodology in determining the developmental level of people. This methodology is used as an illumining tool to provide support for the provisional comparative analysis of the growth and development strategies of the three spheres of government on the City of Cape Town and the alignment of these strategies to the MDG. The writer will calculate the HDI of the inhabitants of the City of Cape Town and compare these to the provincial and national HDI. The results and findings will be analysed and recommendations and conclusions will follow. The calculations and provisional tentative findings of the HDI of the three spheres of government are provided in Appendix A. Interrelatedness of strategies and deliberate cascading of objectives will be emphasised in terms of the benefit of directive focusing of energies for all three spheres of government. The writer will demonstrate the degree to which these strategies have been deliberately integrated and jointly coordinated by the three spheres of government. The difficulty experienced in accessing adequate data sets has emphasised the need for all three spheres of government to prioritise the coordinated collection, compilation and making data available to ensure that the policy options that are chosen are evidence based and outcomes focussed. This is a significant concern since UN based funding is dependant on well-documented and researched policy options. Findings and recommendations with respect to the comparative analysis are presented in the final chapter with recommendations for future study.

Thesis (MPA (School of Public Management and Planning))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / Globally participatory democracy is viewed as essential to ensure a high level of legitimacy, contribute to empowerment and strengthen democracy. Although South Africa is a representative democracy, it also adheres to the principles of participatory democracy as Parliament and the nine Provincial Legislatures are constitutionally mandated to elicit public participation in its decision-making and policy processes. This study’s main aim is to determine whether the public participation strategies employed in the South African legislative sector at present are effective and enhance decision-making and policy processes. Following a discussion of the theoretical context and rationale for public participation, a limited international perspective on public participation was given. The study proceeded to explore the application of public participation in the local South African context with specific focus on the legislative environment. In order to provide evidence in support of the research statement an investigation was done on the current state of public participation in the South African legislative environment. Responses from a semi-structured questionnaire on public participation in the South African legislative context were processed into a comparative table to obtain an overall picture of the legislative sector. From the findings it is clear that there are many positive factors and innovative ideas in place across the legislative sector, yet the weaknesses still far outweigh the strengths.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2000. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Socio-economic rights are the subject of much debate in South Africa and elsewhere. At first they were simply denied the status of any rights at all. Lately, there is a fair amount of recognition for them as rights. The tendency is, however, to relegate them to paper rights and invest very little effort in bringing about their actual realisation. In this thesis I inquire into the question of what a human right, properly so called, is, and then whether, in the light of that inquiry, there is a basis for the reluctance to embrace socio-economic rights. South Africa is uniquely fortunate in having a constitution that gives recognition to socio-economic rights and requiring the Human Rights Commission to monitor their implementation. But again there is a risk that the recognition of socioeconomic rights is left as a constitutional matter, and nothing or little is done for their practical implementation. Therefore I inquire into the manner in which the Human Rights Commission monitors the implementation of these rights. The inquiry into the Human Rights Commission's monitoring role is largely a question of methodology. Whether, in other words, the methods of the Commission are such as to yield reliable information on the subject. I also inquire whether the government's budgetary allocations indicate a serious approach to these rights. The budgetary allocations that are brought under the microscope relate to the seven core rights enshrined in the constitution, namely, housing, health care, food, water, social security, education, and environmental rights. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Sosio-ekonomiese regte is die onderwerp van vele debatte in Suid-Afrika en elders. Aanvanklik was daar nie erkenning gegee aan die status van hierdie regte nie. Hierdie situasie het die afgelope tyd begin verander. Die tendens is egter steeds om dit te sien as regte slegs op papier en daar word nie 'n poging aangewend vir die realisering van hierdie regte nie. Ek ondersoek in hierdie tesis die kwessie van wat 'n mensereg, korrek so genoem, is en ook of, in die lig van hierdie ondersoek, daar 'n basis is vir die huiwering om sosio-ekonomiese regte te aanvaar. Suid-Afrika is uniek in die sin dat die konstitusie erkenning gee aan sosioekonomiese regte en die Waarheid-en Versoeningskommissie opdrag gegee het om die implementering daarvan te monitor. Daar is egter weereens die risiko dat die erkenning van sosio-ekonomiese regte slegs gesien word as 'n konstitusionele aangeleentheid en dat niks of baie min gedoen word rakende die praktiese implementering daarvan. Ek stel daarom ook ondersoek in na die wyse waarop die Menseregtekommissie die implementering van hierdie regte moniteer. Die ondersoek na die monitering van die Menseregtekommissie is hoofsaaklik metodologies van aard; dus of die metodes wat gebruik is, deur die Menseregtekommissie, betroubare inligting verskaf. Ek ondersoek ook of die regering se begrotingallokasies 'n ernstige ingesteldheid jeens hierdie regte toon. Die begrotingsaspekte wat ondersoek word hou verband met die sewe kernregte soos vervat in die konstitusie naamlik behuising, gesondheidsorg, voedsel, water, sosiale sekuriteit, opvoeding en omgewingsregte.