Thesis (Ph. D.)--Florida State University, 2004. / Advisor: Dr. Maxine D. Jones, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Dept. of History. Title and description from dissertation home page (viewed Dec. 16, 2004). Includes bibliographical references.

M.A. Florida State College for Women 1927 / Includes bibliographical references

This biography is a testament to one man's courage and resolve in the struggle for equality of opportunity. The Reverend Charles Kenzie Steele, despite threats from segregationists, harassment from law enforcement and economic reprisals, never wavered in his commitment to the cause of civil rights in Florida and the nation. Steele's contributions to the success of the Civil Rights Movement have, prior to this study, never been completely documented. C. K. Steele provided leadership in one of the most turbulent periods in American history. The Tallahassee bus boycott began in May, 1956, as a spontaneous student protest. Steele emerged as the leader of a city-wide protest involving most of the local African-American community. As president of the Tallahassee Inter-Civic Council, Steele conducted a successful desegregation campaign of the city transit system. The ICC also provided vital assistance to the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) led campaign against segregated public accommodations, housing and schools in Leon County. Because of Steele's influence, the two civil rights organizations conducted the campaign without serious discord. Steele's ability to inspire cooperation was an invaluable asset to the South's primary civil rights organization, The Southern Christian Leadership Conference. Steele was one of the founders of SCLC, and served as its first executive vice president from the organization's inception until his death in 1980. SCLC, led by the Reverend Doctor Martin Luther King, Jr., coordinated most of the civil rights activity in the nation. As a member of its governing body, Steele played an active leadership role in every major civil rights campaign in the South between 1956 and 1968. Steele's role in the Civil Rights Movement has been determined by careful examination of archival materials, his personal correspondence, and interviews with individuals who knew him personally. These materials provide a portrait of a Christian minister wholly dedicated to the cause of justice.

In 1967 Sallye Brooks Mathis and Mary Littlejohn Singleton were elected the first blacks in sixty years, and the first women ever, to the city council of Jacksonville, Florida. These two women had been raised in Jacksonville in a black community which, in spite of racial discrimination and segregation since the Civil War, had demonstrated positive leadership and cooperative action as it developed its own organizations and maintained a thriving civic life. Jacksonville blacks participated in politics when allowed to do so and initiated several economic boycotts and court suits to resist racial segregation. Black women played an important part in these activities--occasionally in visible leadership roles. As adults, Sallye Mathis and Mary Singleton· participated as educators, family members and leaders in various community efforts. Both had developed wide contacts and were respected among many blacks and whites. Mary Singleton had learned about politics as the wife of a respected black politician, and Sallye Mathis became a leader in the civil rights struggles of the 1960s in Jacksonville. In 1967, a governmental reform movement in Duval County, a softening of negative racial attitudes, and perhaps their being female aided their victories. While Sallye Mathis remained on the Jacksonville City Council for fifteen years until her death in 1982, Mary Singleton served in the Florida House of Representatives from 1972 to 1976--the third black in the twentieth century and the first woman from Northeast Florida. From 1976 to 1978 she was appointed director of the Florida Division of Elections and in 1978 she campaigned unsuccessfully for Lt. Governor of Florida. As government officials, Sallye Mathis and Mary Singleton emphasized the needs of low-income people and were advocates for black interests when they felt it was necessary. They were active as volunteers in numerous other community organizations and projects to further their goals. PALMM

Title from PDF of title page. / Document formatted into pages; contains 147 pages. / Thesis (M.A.)--University of South Florida, 2003. / Includes bibliographical references. / Text (Electronic thesis) in PDF format. / ABSTRACT: Blanche Armwood was a remarkable black woman activist, from Tampa, Florida, who devoted her life to improving the political, social, and economic status of blacks in the Jim Crow South. Local historians have kept Armwood's legacy alive by describing her achievements and by emphasizing her dedication to the African-American population during one of the most racist periods in American history. In their efforts to understand Armwood's career, scholars depend upon race as the primary category of analysis and focus mainly on the external forces that defined Armwood's world. They argue that she became resigned to her lot in life as a black woman, and consequently chose to accommodate rather than challenge the Southern racial system. This thesis offers an alternative interpretation of Armwood's activism. / ABSTRACT: It argues that Blanche Armwood rejected the white supremacist ideology of the Jim Crow South and insisted on equal opportunity and political equality for all African-Americans. This study examines how social variables such as race, gender, and class intersected in her life, shaping her world view and leadership style. It explores how Armwood's experiences as a southern, middle-class, black woman affected her racial ideology. Armwood left behind a powerful legacy of resistance against the second-class status that white America imposed on blacks during the nadir in African-American history. She contested the white South's perception of African-American women. In a world that associated them with Mammy and Jezebel stereotypes, Armwood insisted that African-American women deserved the same respect that society accorded white women. / ABSTRACT: Armwood fought for political equality, demanding that black women should have the right to vote and participate in the civic process as women and as African-Americans. In addition, she believed that the federal government had a responsibility to protect all its citizens and that every American was entitled to equal treatment before the law. Finally, Armwood&softsign;s racial uplift work revealed her faith in the cornerstone of the American creed, its promise of equal opportunity. She provided some blacks with the chance to move away from poverty and illiteracy to become respectable middle-class Americans. / System requirements: World Wide Web browser and PDF reader. / Mode of access: World Wide Web.

Several factors which influenced the formation of an urban black community following the Civil War are examined in this study. Prior to the war, LaVilla, a suburb of Jacksonville, Florida, was sparsely populated by wealthy white families. At war's end, freedmen seeking shelter and work took advantage of the inexpensive housing and proximity to employment LaVilla offered and, by 1870, became the majority population. The years 1866 through 1887 have been chosen for this study because they demarcate LaVilla's inception on the one hand and, on the other, its disappearance as an independent entity. Local, state, and federal records have been utilized to better understand the freedmen's decision on where to settle, finding work, securing a home, and political participation. Although an integrated community, the focus of this study is on the role of blacks in community formation. During the first twenty years of freedom, the blacks who lived in LaVilla came to organize their community along two separate and distinct paths: the social and the political. The social dimension was segregated and articulated through social networks created by family, kinship, and friendship anchored in and strengthened by the church, school, and voluntary associations. In the context of urban growth and development, these social networks would mitigate the harsh realities of poverty, unemployment, and inadequate housing. The political dimension was integrated and afforded black males power and influence concerning the civic decisions of their community. Following annexation to Jacksonville in 1887, LaVilla's blacks were removed from the political arena and disjoined from the decision-making process. As a result, the freedmen came to rely solely on the social dimension of their community.