<p> My dissertation contends that diaspora, perhaps the most visible spatial paradigm for theorizing black constructions of identity and self, is inherently limited by the historical conditions of its rise as well as the preoccupations with which it has been most closely associated. I propose that we expand our theoretico-spatio terms for constructions of blackness to include the space of the home, the space of the plantation and the space of the prison (what I call the space of justice). These three spaces point to literary themes, characters, and beliefs that the space of diaspora alone does not explain. Each chapter analyzes the work of three or four writers from the United States, Brazil and Mozambique. These writers include: Paulina Chiziane, Concei&ccedil;&atilde;o Evaristo, Octavia E. Butler, Toni Morrison, Zora Neale Hurston, Carolina Maria de Jesus, Bernice McFadden, Wanda Coleman, Ifa Bayeza and Asha Bandele. </p>

This study analyzes the perceptions of University administrators, faculty members, and students concerning total quality management (TQM). This is done by (1) identifying the key components of TQM for higher education, and (2) assessing the perceptions of university administrators, faculty and students toward adopting and utilizing the principles of TQM as propounded by the late W. Edwards Deming. The study is inclusive of elements of historical and descriptive research design. Primary and secondary data sources of information are also used for the establishment of data base. The theoretical framework guiding this research includes enumerative theory and analytic theory. More emphasis is placed on the analytic theory because that is the main statistical theory propelling Demings' s 14 principles of total quality management. The sample for this study was taken from Nigerian universities according to personnel status and type of university. Stratified random sampling is used for this research. Four universities based on the three former Nigerian regions were chosen: East, West, and North. These three regions represent a microcosm of the Federal Republic of Nigeria because of their geo-political significance. In all, 104 individuals drawn from 4 universities, spread across a total of 42 different campuses participated in this study. The individuals include 35 students studying in Nigerian universities, 35 administrators and 34 faculty personnel employed by Nigerian universities. The significant findings of the study appear to warrant the following conclusions: If Nigerian universities are going to implement total quality management, they must have to address: the use of tests and grades, the use of goals and slogans, the use of statistical assessment, employee evaluation/meritocracy, and finally continuous improvement.

This research is aimed at assessing SADCC in relation to the degree to which it has accomplished its own aims, regional economic integration and reduction of dependency. The study has relied on and used the dependency theory which holds that the development in a peripheral capitalist system is a continuous process of dispossessing the less developed countries of their raw materials in favor of maintaining the advancement of the capitalist countries. In short, neo-colonial dependence view of underdevelopment attributes a large part of the Third World's continuing and worsening poverty to the existence and policies of the industrial capitalist and socialist countries and their extensions in the form of small but powerful elite groups in the less developed countries. The research came with the following findings and conclusions. That SADCC countries have been integrated into the capitalist system due to the European colonization. That despite the efforts of SADCC and their proclaimed goals of economic integration and self-reliance, the SADCC region has not reduced dependency but rather there is a new dependency on other external countries. SADCC's committed strategies have not produced self-reliance and economic integration in the region due to the structure and activities of SADCC. In order to correct this imbalance and dependency, few options are possible. SADCC should embark upon the socialist mode of development because socialist methods will diminish the degree of dependency as in the case of Cuba. Intra-regional trade should be encouraged to bring about some form of transaction flows and economic integration. Establish appropriate ways of encouraging agricultural productivity in order to alleviate the shortage of food problems in the region and adopt capital accumulation methods.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston University / PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis or dissertation. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you. / The purpose of this study is the description, analysis and explanation of the electoral growth of the National Party in the Union of South Africa, from the founding of the (Purified) National Party in 1934 to the General Election of May 1948. Consideration is given the following: the rise of the National Party to parliamentary supremacy in 1929; its electoral collapse at Fusion--the political union of Generals Hertzog and Smuts and of their respective parties--in 1934; the revival of Afrikaner economic and cultural nationalism beginning in the latter 1930's; the ending of Fusion in 1939 and the resulting temporary political reunion of Afrikaners in Opposition; fission of the Opposition, 1940 to 1943; postwar consolidation of Afrikaner opponents of the Smuts Government and its defeat by the (Reunited) National Party - Afrikaner Party alliance in 1948. Special attention is paid to four general elections, those of 1929, 1938, 1943 and 1948. The results of these elections, as they describe the strength of the National Party, are compared. Research was done in the Republic of South Africa. Newspapers, both English language and Afrikaans, were the foremost primary source. Others included the South African parliamentary Hansard, official publications and reports, party literature and personal interviews. This work finds that there exists a considerable similarity between the extent and distribution of the electoral support which placed the National Party in power in 1929 and that which sustained the 1948 victory of the (Reunited) National Party - Afrikaner Party alliance. A difference lies in the fact of unprecedented urban support for the (Reunited) National Party in 1948, especially along the Witwatersrand. However, it is shown that growing urban support for the (Reunited) National Party followed the movement of Afrikaners to the cities from the traditionally-Nationalist countryside, and hence expressed a permanence in long-term partisan alignments among these Afrikaners, rather than the contrary. The General Election of 1948 is thus said to signify the electoral revival of the National Party of 1929. Several factors are found to have contributed to this electoral revivals intensification of Afrikaner nationalist sentiment in consequence of such as the Voortrekker Centenary celebrations of 1938; maladroit postwar management of the country by the Smuts Government and exploitation of the racial fears and prejudices of the white electorate in 1948 by the Opposition parties. But of greatest importance is deemed to be the passing of Fusion in 1939. Hertzog and those Afrikaners who followed him entered Fusion in 1934 assuming that their political cooperation with English-speaking South Africans was possible on the basis of the principle "South Africa First." The insistence of Smuts in September 1939 that South Africa declare war on Germany seemed to Hertzog and most Afrikaners to contradict that principle. It ended Fusion and released Afrikaners from their adherence to the United Party, which had been its embodiment. Various wartime circumstances sustained Smuts and the truncated United Party in power at the 1943 General Election, but these passed with the War, or at the same time. It was thus likely in 1948 that--momentary issues apart--the (Reunited) National Party - Afrikaner Party alliance would, in the absence of a successful attempt on the part of Smuts at re-creation in postwar South Africa of the United Party of the 1930's, gather such electoral support as had sustained the National Party nineteen years earlier. In fact, such a re-creation may have been impossible, for the ending of Fusion had done more than allow for a reunion of those Afrikaners who had divided in 1934, it had discredited the spirit of Hertzog, i.e., "Hertzogism," which, from the side of the Afrikaner nationalist, had made Fusion possible. / 2031-01-01

abstract: This dissertation examines cultural understandings and lived realities of entrepreneurship across South Africa’s economic landscape, comparing the experiences of Cape Town’s Black entrepreneurs in under-resourced townships to those of White entrepreneurs in the wealthy, high finance business district. Based on 13 months of participant observation and interviews with 60 entrepreneurs, I find major differences between these groups of entrepreneurs, which I explain in three independent analyses that together form this dissertation. The first analysis examines the entrepreneurial motivations of Black entrepreneurs in Khayelitsha, Cape Town’s largest township. This analysis gives insight into expressed cultural values of entrepreneurship beyond a priori neoliberal analytical frameworks. The second analysis compares the material resources that Black entrepreneurs in Khayelitsha and White entrepreneurs in downtown Cape Town require for their businesses, and the mechanisms through which they secure these resources. This analysis demonstrates how historical structures of economic inequality affect entrepreneurial strategies. The third analysis assesses the non-material obstacles and challenges that both Black entrepreneurs in Khayelitsha and White entrepreneurs in wealthy areas of downtown Cape Town face in initiating their business ventures. This analysis highlights the importance of cultural capital to entrepreneurship and explains how non-material obstacles differ for entrepreneurs in different positions of societal power. Taken together, my findings contribute to two long-established lines of anthropological scholarship on entrepreneurship: (1) the moral values and understandings of entrepreneurship, and (2) the strategies and practices of entrepreneurship. I demonstrate the need to expand anthropological understandings of entrepreneurship to better theorize diverse economies, localized understandings and values of entrepreneurship, and the relationship of entrepreneurship to notions of economic justice. Yet, through comparative analysis I also demonstrate that diverse and localized values of entrepreneurship must be considered within the context of societal power structures; such context allows scholars to assess if and how diverse entrepreneurial values have the potential to make broad-scale social and/or cultural change. As such, I argue for the importance of putting these two streams of anthropological research into conversation with one another in order to gain a more holistic understanding of the relationship between the cultural meanings and the practices of entrepreneurship. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Anthropology 2018

This dissertation surveys the legal and ethical implications of the journey of artworks from Africa to Europe and the United States, beginning with events of the nineteenth century and continuing to the present. It addresses the laws regarding works of art from undeveloped countries, with focus on sub-Saharan Africa. The laws offer insight into what cultural value has been assigned to African art, and the changing laws and ethical norms reflect how African art has been perceived at different times. This work also discusses to what extent the unique aspects of African art should affect laws protecting the cultural property of sub-Saharan African countries. The dissertation focuses especially on Nigeria, the home of the Kingdom of Benin. It also addresses the legal issues of art from Mali, Cameroon, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. It shows when, where, and how the legal issues for sub-Saharan art are similar to, or different from, the legal issues for other regions. Three spheres of academic endeavor were pursued in producing this work: African art history, ethics, and legal studies. From the combination of these areas emerges a narrative with a broad variety of events and people. Although the story is told chronologically, it is based on a set of legal and ethical issues. The common issues fall into four categories: plunder and illegal import/export; ethical collection and display; authenticity and forgery; and ownership and copyright. African artworks found their way to the West in the nineteenth century. There they were considered "savage fetishes" and put in ethnographic museums. In the twentieth century, Western artists such as Picasso were inspired by the aesthetics of African art, and private collectors began acquiring it. Now the world's major art museums display African art. Since World War II, important international conferences have established an increasing level of protection for cultural property, and thus for African art. International conventions have not prevented illicit art traffic, however. The story of the Afo-A-Kom's return to Cameroon in 1975 illustrates the diverging interests of collectors, museums, the public, and the source country. Forgery has been an increasing problem for African art throughout the twentieth century and into the twenty-first century, fed by the high prices that authentic works receive in auction and at galleries. In 1991, for example, Sotheby's sold a forged terra-cotta ram from Mali for more than a quarter of a million dollars. Today's attitudes and laws concerning African art reflect a complex interplay of historical events and legal changes over time. From the nineteenth century to current times, some progress has been made. Key issues remain from colonial times, however. Despite a growing body of international and national legislation to protect cultural property, African art is still seen by some as a commodity that can be stolen, illegally exported and imported, forged, destroyed or censored.

This project attempts a joint reading of the work of Friedrich Nietzsche and Frantz Fanon. This task, however, is problematic because this body of work is in tension or contradictory. These problems are so acute that a careful reading method is necessary to successfully carry out this reading. In order to facilitate this reading I elaborate and apply a particular philosophical methodology, Mestizaje. The methodology is intended to address works that are contradictory by attempting to read the texts as they are presented while at the same time balancing their positions. The goal is to honestly reflect the thought of each thinker and to illuminate a perspective that incorporates but transcends their respective positions. What the application of Methodological Mestizaje finds is that while Nietzsche and Fanon stand in tension to one another, their respective works share several interesting and important convergences. In particular, they share thoughts on ressentiment, morality and violence. With ressentiment, Nietzsche creates the concept and two manifestations of it, while Fanon works with the concept to develop a third manifestation of this form of moral valuation. Furthermore, their works share the view that morality and violence are fundamental to understanding the origin, development and possible overcoming of a morality. This work contributes to the area of Africana Studies by offering a picture of Nietzsche that addresses concerns of these areas of study. Additionally, Methodological Mestizaje intends to follow in the tradition of non-ideal theory. Finally, while each thinker contributes to the discussion of ressentiment, morality and violence, their positions taken together reveal a broad and thorough perspective on colonialism and its concomitant morality, including their inception, and consequent progression and persistence in the current world.

Three studies examined prejudice as an explanation for the overrepresentation of Black Africans and the under-representation of native-born Black Americans in Ivy League institutions. I hypothesized admission officers may use Black Africans as a "cover" for their prejudice against Black American natives. The admission of more Black Africans may allow admission officers to express their prejudice toward Black American natives while maintaining an egalitarian image. In Study 1, although the Black African applicant was evaluated as more likable, competent, and had a greater chance of being admitted than the Black American native applicant, differences were only significant when compared with the White American applicant. In Study 2, the Black American native applicant was significantly less likely to be admitted when being directly compared to a Black African applicant (versus a White American applicant). Study 3, tested the boundary effects of Study 2 by exposing participants to an Affirmative Action statement. Similar to Study 2, the target Black American native applicant was significantly less likely to be admitted when in direct comparison with a Black African applicant. In Studies 1 and 3, levels of internal motivation and/or levels of external motivation to respond without prejudice significantly moderated the relationship between ethnicity and decision to admit. Furthermore, findings indicated that the decision to admit the target Black American native versus the competitor was dependent on perceptions of SES. Collectively, these studies offer evidence that the admittance of Black African applicants may provide a cover for discrimination against Black American natives. These results suggest that ethnicity, in addition to race, may affect the educational opportunities of minority group members.

This dissertation examines women's representations in the Algerian print media. Different methods were used to explore these representations: a questionnaire-based survey, in-depth interviews and a content analysis of data collected from press clippings published between 1996--2006, a period which witnessed major social and political upheavals that impacted women as well as the media. The research was based on hypotheses from the literature on the topic, notably that the media ignore and trivialize women. This study concludes that sexist terms, meanings and processes and sexist assumptions concerning gender roles are pervasive. Masculine generics---exclusionary of women---are dominant. Sexism is not always intended as journalists consider the use of masculine generics normative. Women are also invisible both as objects of news and as news sources This study revealed that sexism in the media and its power in shaping attitudes and views about women continue to elude media professionals. More than half of all respondents disagreed with survey statements related to sexism in the media. This study shows that sexist content is more common in the Arabophone press. But, ironically, the number of Arabophone journalists who disagreed with statements about sexism in the media is higher than the number of Francophone journalists. As a whole, media representations project a patriarchal model of ideal womanhood. Women are portrayed in reductionist restrictive roles and overrepresented as 'helpless victims'. In contrast, women's social and political struggles for full citizenship rights are often overlooked if not ridiculed. While these representations reflect the power structure in society, their repeated playing out 'naturalizes' unequal power relations. Very few journalists challenge dominant representations as ideological positions. The media redeploy the slogans of groups competing for power which made of women their primary battleground. Even the more liberal Francophone press affirms elements of the hegemonic discourse. The oppositional discourse of the women's movement does not pose a significant threat to the dominant discourse because of the differential of power and widespread antagonism against feminism. Part of the Arabophone press adopted the anti-legal reform arguments used by the nationalists against the 1959 French reform and resurrected by the Islamists to suggest that reform efforts were a neo-colonial attack on national identity. These arguments resonate with part of the public because the language of feminism was used in the attack on the Algerian identity and culture. The study shows that journalists are unaware of the involvement of language in setting subject identities, and power relations and of the role they play in passing down and reinforcing the dominant gender ideology. The stronger presence of women in newsrooms has not significantly changed media content with respect to approaches to news stories on 'women's issues'. Women have internalized the masculine-privileging ethos of the newsroom and see the male definition of news as professional practice. Journalists are wary of gender issues and consider that they have other priorities such as fighting for better social and professional conditions, legal protection from government interference and public access to the media. Women who tend to be dominated in the private as well as in the public realm are not seen as being part of 'the public'. A stronger partnership between all those interested in a better future for Algeria can enhance efforts to raise awareness among journalists about gender issues and transform the media from a tool in the hands of the powerful to a tool that enlightens the public and provide citizens with the opportunity to engage in democratic public debate about important issues, including those related to gender. This study is a contribution to these efforts and to the emerging scholarship on gender in the Arab region / acase@tulane.edu

Under what conditions do Islamists accept the principles of democracy and perceive democracy as "the only game in town"? Current literature which emphasizes institutions, political learning and repression fail to give a satisfying answer to this question. This thesis argues that it is important to study the internal divisions within the Islamist movements and the balance of power among them if we are to understand why and when they embrace ideological moderation. Along these lines, I suggest that factors which disturb the balance of power to the favor of the moderate Islamists are critical to understand the causes of moderation. The support that different factions garner from the constituency is a determining factor in the course of political Islam. This support for moderates or hardliners in return depends on the interests of different groups that make up the Islamist coalition. Studying the empirical puzzle posed by the experiences of Turkish and Egyptian Islamists I argue that economic reform programs in these countries redefine the interests of the components of the Islamist coalition while redistributing power among them. As a result of this process a devout bourgeoisie ready to ally with the moderates emerge in Turkey while lower middle classes with ideological dispositions dominate the Islamist constituency in Egypt and support the hardliners. That is why Turkish Islamists succeeded in carrying out a large-scale moderation which led to the marginalization of the radicals while their Egyptian counterparts failed and became marginalized themselves.