Lei Mei Yan Louisa. / "Architecture Department, Chinese University of Hong Kong, Master of Architecture Programme 1997-98, design report." / Includes bibliographical references. / Introduction / Chapter 1.0 --- Background / Chapter 1.1. --- Historical / Chapter 1.2. --- Urban fabric / Chapter 1.3. --- Rural area / Project analysis / Chapter 20.0 --- Subject analysis / Chapter 2.1. --- Physical Conditions / Chapter 2.2. --- Preliminary Geo-technical Assessments of the Potential for Underground Space Development in Hong Kong / Chapter 2.3. --- Geologically / Chapter 2.4. --- Use of underground space in Hong Kong / Chapter 2.5. --- Studies for underground space development / Chapter 2.6. --- Conditions in underground space design / Chapter 2.7. --- Ground Condition / Chapter 2.8. --- Open space allocation in Hong Kong / Chapter 2.8.1. --- Evaluation of deficiencies / Chapter 2.8.2. --- Degradation of public open space / Chapter 2.8.3. --- Decentralized Open space / Chapter 2.8.4. --- Centralized Open space / Chapter 2.8.5. --- Lack of transitional area / Chapter 2.9. --- Hypothesis / Chapter 2.9.1. --- Conceptualization / Chapter 3.0 --- Site / Context analysis / Chapter 3.1. --- Site Criteria / Chapter 3.2. --- Site Analysis (macroscopic consideration) / Chapter 3.3. --- Site constraints (Sai Ying Pun & Sheung Wan) / Chapter 3.4. --- Site potential development (information from Land Development Corporation)- urban renewal strategy / Chapter 3.5. --- Constraints in codes and master plan / Chapter 3.5.1. --- Planning and Site Constraints / Chapter 3.6. --- Historical Background / Chapter 3.6.1. --- History and Records / Chapter 3.6.2. --- Geology of the existing site (King George Memorial Park) / Chapter 4.0 --- Client / users analysis / Chapter 4.1. --- Research organizational / Chapter 4.2. --- Bubble diagrams and spatial arrangement / Chapter 4.3. --- Schedule of Accommodation / Process / Description of the evolution of the final project / Chapter 5.1. --- Essential objectives / Chapter 5.2. --- The underground complex and its nodes / Chapter 5.2.1. --- Exploratory concepts / Chapter 5.2.2. --- Design Strategy and Senarios / Chapter 5.2.3. --- Urban design issues and goals / Chapter 5.2.4. --- Building design issues and goals / Chapter 5.2.5. --- Evolution of the building / Final Project / Chapter 6.1. --- The underground space strategy / Chapter 6.2. --- Underground complex and re-design air-raid precaution tunnels / Chapter 6.3. --- Nodes and urban linkage / Chapter 6.4. --- Lists of drawing files / Conclusion / Appendices / Chapter 8.1. --- Urban underground space design methodology- hypothesis / Chapter 8.2. --- Precedent Studies / Chapter 8.3. --- Bilbliography

År 2002 fattade den svenska riksdagen beslutet att sluta bygga skyddsrum. Sverige har per capita näst flest antal skyddsrum i världen. Ett stort antal skyddsrum i Sverige, kombinerat med beslutet att inte bygga dem längre, har lämnat Sverige vid en vägkorsning. Hur mycket bör Sverige bry sig om sina skyddsrum? För utländska fiender kan skyddsrum verka som ännu ett hinder för att invadera, på grund av de svenska civila möjligheterna till att vara säkra från bomber och ett krigs påverkan. Även om krigföring har förändrats under åren och nya strategier har utvecklats, kommer en säker plats för civila att stärka den försvarande sidan. För att detta försvar ska fungera måste skyddsrummen vara konstruerade på tillgängliga platser för civilbefolkningen, erhålla det material som skyddsrummen är i behov av, kunna drivas av en civil samt vara i gott skick. Det var under kalla kriget som Sverige byggde de flesta av sina skyddsrum. Med många decennier och olika lagar för konstruktion som passerat, har många av skyddsrummen problem i nuläget. Problem såsom att material saknas, luftfilter har blivit för gamla, rummen har renoverats till något annat, eller helt enkelt att skyddet inte kan garantera den funktion som den en gång gjorde. I Sverige är Myndigheten för samhällsskydd och beredskap (MSB) den myndighet som ansvarar för skyddsrummens tillstånd. MSB har det yttersta ansvaret att se till att skyddsrummen är säkra i nödsituationer. För att uppfylla detta utgör de tillsyn och kontroller på skyddsrummen. I denna kandidatuppsats undersöks de svenska skyddsrummens tillstånd och de problem som följer med dem. Vi fann det även av intresse att undersöka skyddsrummens relevans i Sveriges samhälle ur ett historiskt- och ett nutidsperspektiv. Metoden som har använts är av kvalitativ och rättsdogmatisk karaktär. De slutsatser som kunnat dras i denna kandidatuppsats är att Sveriges skyddsrum befinner sig i olika tillstånd vad gäller skick och kvalité. Det kan också konstateras att det inte pågår tillräckligt många skyddsrumskontroller som både är önskat och nödvändigt gentemot det stora antal skyddsrum som finns. Slutligen nyttjas Sveriges skyddsrum för andra ändamål än vad de preliminärt byggdes för, vilket innebär att de fyller ett syfte i Sveriges samhälle. / In 2002, the Swedish government decided to stop building air raid shelters. Sweden has per capita the second most air raid shelters in the world. A large number of air raid shelters in Sweden, combined with the decision to stop constructing them, has left Sweden at a crossroad. How much should Sweden care about the air raid shelters? To foreign enemies, the air raid shelters may seem as yet another obstacle to invading, because of the opportunity given to the Swedish civilians to be safe from bombs and the effects of war. Even though the warfare has changed during the years and new strategies have been developed, a safe place for civilians will strengthen the defending side. For this defense to work, the air raid shelters have to be constructed at available locations for civilians, be equipped with the material needed, be operated by a civilian and the shelters have to be in good condition. It was during the Cold War era that Sweden built most of its air raid shelters. With a lot of decades and different rules of construction passing, many of these air raid shelters have problems now. The problems concern materials missing, air filters which have passed their best before date, the shelters being renovated to something completely different, or simply that the shelter cannot guarantee the function that it once did. In Sweden, The Swedish Civil Contingencies Agency (MSB) is the agency responsible for the condition of the air raid shelters. The agency has the utmost responsibility that the air raid shelters will be safe in case of emergency. To fulfill that, the agency executes supervision and regulatory control of the shelters. In this essay, the condition of the Swedish air raid shelters and the problems that come along with them get examined. We also found it interesting to examine the air raid shelters' relevance to Swedish society from a historic and present-day point of view. A qualitative and legal dogmatic method has been used. The conclusions that could be drawn from this essay is that Sweden’s air raid shelters are in different conditions regarding standard and quality. It can also be established that there aren’t enough regulatory controls being executed. Finally, the Swedish air raid shelters do serve a purpose for the Swedish society even though they have been built for other reasons.

This dissertation traces the emergence of the air raid shelter as the paradigmatic architecture of air defense under the Nationalist Party government in China during the War of Resistance against Japan (1937–1945). More broadly, it explores how air defense in general became an integral technology for the Nationalists’ “war of resistance and reconstruction” (kangzhan jianguo), a fascist project derived from total war, the globally circulating military-political idea that modern wars would enlist the entire populations and economies of nations in warfare while subjecting national populations and infrastructures to equally comprehensive violence. The Nationalists joined the world in confronting aerial bombing after the Empire of Japan bombed Shanghai in 1932. In response, the government and its military constructed air defense, a political and technological complex combining mass mobilization, through air raid drills and air defense organizations, with material technologies, like searchlights, anti-aircraft guns, and bomb shelters. The Nationalists found in air defense more than a military technology. To them, it also offered a set of tools and resources for fortifying their flailing attempts to unite China in a common national project, and even recasting the substance of that project. Air defense could forge a new society that invested all Chinese people in war as a necessary precondition for overcoming China’s colonial subjection. Where democratic institutions collapsed and appeals to common heritage and customs failed, the Nationalists used air defense to turn survival (shengcun) into the bedrock value of the national community. Meanwhile, a group of young architects associated with the journal Xin jianzhu in Canton identified air defense as an organizing problem for the nascent professional field of architecture. Rather than the stale historicism endorsed in Nanjing, and against China’s craft building traditions, the group championed modernist architecture, especially the International Style, whose principles of simplicity, functionalism, and rationality they saw as necessary for building modern, industrial, and hygienic Chinese cities capable of enhancing human life. Moreover, they argued that the technological instrumentality informing modernism made it the only style capable of preserving Chinese cities and people from modern threats like bombing. After the fall of Canton in 1938, members of the group took their mission to Chongqing, where they joined the Nationalist government in building air defenses in the wartime capital. In particular, this dissertation argues that the air raid shelter and air defense focused contradictions in the Nationalists’ fascist project for uniting and revolutionizing China as it traveled to Chongqing following the Nationalist escape from Japan’s invasion of the coast. Over the course of the War of Resistance, the principal technology of air defense shifted away from mass mobilization, as the Nationalists came to administer refugees and displaced people they had never governed before, and became located in infrastructure like city plans and air raid shelters. Air defense served to exclude surplus populations like women and the elderly, rendered redundant according to the state’s wartime needs for industrial production and conscripts, by dispersing them in satellite settlements outside the city, from which they constantly returned in search of work or material goods. Shoddy air raid shelters, in the meantime, revealed the fragile biology of real bodies beneath the fascist fantasy of the heroic political subject, as shelters failed to provide for basic needs like respiration. Over time, these two problems collided, as the state closed shelters in the city to dispersed people, exposing surplus populations to bombing, while civilians also languished in shelters that could still kill them. The goal of building national unity through survival collapsed into a confusion of inclusion and exclusion, life and death, with disastrous results, like the asphyxiation of around one thousand people in Chongqing’s largest public air raid shelter in June 1941. In these circumstances, professionals like the Cantonese architects and new state regulatory bodies produced proposals and standards for building better shelters, offering a technological resolution of air defense’s political contradictions and consolidating the transformation of air defense into a technical expertise.

This dissertation traces the emergence of the air raid shelter as the paradigmatic architecture of air defense under the Nationalist Party government in China during the War of Resistance against Japan (1937–1945). More broadly, it explores how air defense in general became an integral part of the Nationalists’ “war of resistance and reconstruction” (kangzhan jianguo), a fascist project derived from total war, the globally circulating military-political idea holding that modern warfare would enlist entire nations and their economies in war while also subjecting them to comprehensive enemy violence. The Nationalists joined the world in confronting aerial bombing after the Empire of Japan bombed Shanghai in 1932. In response, the government and its military constructed air defense, a political and technological complex combining mass mobilization, through air raid drills and air defense organizations, with material technologies, like searchlights, anti-aircraft guns, and bomb shelters. The Nationalists found in air defense more than a military technology. To them, it also offered a set of tools and resources for fortifying their flailing attempts to unite China in a common national project, and even recasting the substance of that project. Air defense could forge a new society that invested all Chinese people in war as a necessary precondition for overcoming China’s colonial subjection. Where democratic institutions collapsed and appeals to common heritage and customs failed, the Nationalists used air defense to turn survival (shengcun) into the bedrock value of the national community. Meanwhile, a group of young architects associated with the journal Xin jianzhu in Canton identified air defense as an organizing problem for the nascent professional field of architecture. Rather than the stale historicism endorsed in Nanjing, and against China’s craft building traditions, the group championed modernist architecture, especially the International Style, whose principles of simplicity, functionalism, and rationality they saw as necessary for building modern, industrial, and hygienic Chinese cities capable of enhancing human life. Moreover, they argued that the technological instrumentality informing modernism made it the only style capable of preserving Chinese cities and people from modern threats like bombing. After the fall of Canton in 1938, members of the group took their mission to Chongqing, where they joined the Nationalist government in building air defenses in the wartime capital. In particular, this dissertation argues that the air raid shelter and air defense focused contradictions in the Nationalists’ fascist project for uniting and revolutionizing China as it traveled to Chongqing following the Nationalist escape from Japan’s invasion of the coast. Over the course of the war, the principal technology of air defense shifted away from mass mobilization, as the Nationalists came to administer refugees and displaced people they had never governed before, and became located in infrastructure like city plans and air raid shelters. Air defense served to exclude surplus populations like women and the elderly, rendered redundant according to the state’s wartime needs for industrial production and conscripts, by dispersing them in satellite settlements outside the city, from which they constantly returned in search of work or material goods. Shoddy air raid shelters, in the meantime, revealed the fragile biology of real bodies beneath the fascist fantasy of the heroic political subject, as shelters failed to provide for basic needs like respiration. Over time, these two problems collided, as the state closed shelters in the city to dispersed people, exposing surplus populations to bombing, while civilians also languished in shelters that could still kill them. The goal of building national unity through survival collapsed into a confusion of inclusion and exclusion, life and death, with disastrous results, like the asphyxiation of around one thousand people in Chongqing’s largest public air raid shelter in June 1941. In these circumstances, professionals like the Cantonese architects and new state regulatory bodies produced proposals and standards for building better shelters, attempting a technical resolution of air defense’s political contradictions and consolidating the transformation of air defense into a primarily technological discipline.