In this study of A Midsummer Night's Dream, The Merchant of Venice, and Measure for Measure I argue that the surface plots of these comedies point us to a philosophic understanding seldom discussed in either contemporary public discourse or in Shakespearean scholarship. The comedies usually involve questions arising from the conflict between the enforcement of law (whether just or not) and the private longings (whether noble or base) of citizens whose yearnings for happiness tend to be sub- or even supra-political. No regime, it appears, is able to respond to the whole variety of circumstances that it may be called upon to judge. Even the best written laws meet with occasional exceptions and these ulterior instances must be judged by something other than a legal code. When these extra-legal instances do arise, political communities become aware of their reliance on a kind of political judgment that is usually unnoticed in the day-to-day affairs of public life. Further, it is evident that the characters who are able to exercise this political judgment, are the very characters whose presence averts a potentially tragic situation and makes a comedy possible. By presenting examples of how moral and political problems are dealt with by the prudent use of wisdom, Shakespeare is pointing the reader to a standard of judgment that transcends any particular (or actual) political arrangement. Once we see the importance of the prudent use of such a standard, we are in a position to judge what this philosophic wisdom consists of and where it is to be acquired. It is just such an education with which Shakespeare intends to aid his readers.

Neoconservatism has long had a tenuous relationship with International Relations theory. Despite an abundance of explanatory material and its influence in US foreign policy, few works in IR have attempted to build a stand-alone theory out of it. Furthermore, previous work on the topic has resulted in an under-developed and poor understanding of the movement’s core ideas. The thesis redefines neoconservatism as a trifecta of i) a set of explanatory ideas on world politics, ii) an approach to foreign policy, and iii) an ideology that stems from the European Enlightenment, all the way to the present day. Using this expanded conceptualization, the thesis builds a theory out of what can broadly be considered an ideology. The theory takes the form of an ideal-type construct and emphasizes hegemony in the international system. It offers an explanation for the causes of alliances, as well as regional and systemic conflicts. The theory also adopts a prescriptive function and offers an account of foreign policy analysis. It is highly recommended that the assumptions of the theory that are laid out here be tested in future work.

With the liberalisation of the society and education in the Western Countries, new development horizons have emerged thus altering our expectations from the younger generation and our vision of human fulfilment and happiness. As Dewey stressed, the current advance of technology and democratic ways of life results in the unprecedented rate and speed of changes and ‘it is impossible to foretell definitely just what civilization will be twenty years from now. Hence it is impossible to prepare the child for any precise set of conditions. To prepare him for the future life means to give him command of himself; it means so to train him that he will have the full and ready use of all his capacities’ (Dewey, 1897, p.77). This prompted many educational policies in Western Countries to resort to character education as a long-term solution to the tensions between the demands on the child to succeed in tougher market-led society and the necessity to foster a democratic citizen of the globalised world (The US Partnerships in Character Education Program, 1994; Strategic Plan, 2002; Character Education Framework, 2019).  However, the recurring instances of school violence and shooting (Schaeffer, 1999, p. 2), and the turmoil of incessant military conflicts around the world expose the failure of current policies to foster a modern ‘self’ that would sustain the humanity rather than just democracy, thus making the current goals and priorities sensitive to criticism.    This paper takes on the topic of character education in liberal school setting and views it in a broader sense as part of formation of the modern ‘self’ in liberal society as opposed to traditional Aristotelian reading through virtue ethics and moral character. By studying the current character education policies in the USA, UK, European Union and Sweden, the first chapter of the thesis demonstrates the instrumentality of character education and prioritising educating for citizenship and democratic values. This paper sets to contest this approach to character education and proposes to adopt the idea of The Love of the World advanced as the guiding principle of education by Naomi Hodgson, Joris Vlieghe and Piotr Zamojski in their Manifesto for a Post-Critical Pedagogy (2017) as opposed to ‘educating for….’ formular predominant in the policies. The Manifesto offers the banner but does not elaborate on the content and how to attain the goals. The aim of this thesis is to commence to fill this gap. Carefully laying out the concepts of conservative, liberal and critical theories of education related to character formation, this paper analyses their strengths and week points and consolidates in ‘My Creed’ section what it considers the worthwhile postulates that would help to design character education governed by The Love of the World. Resorting to the educating power of literature I address the question of ‘How to foster character in liberal schooling of today’ when the child and what is good in the world replace the current slogans of educating for citizenry and democracy.