Like most wars, the Spanish-American War had its heroes: the heroes who rescued Cuban prisoner Evangelina Cisneros, the heroes who gave aid to starving, suffering Cubans, and the heroes who investigated the possibility of a sinister element in the mysterious explosion of the battleship Maine. Even the yellow press could be construed as a hero since its leaders spared no expense in sending reporters to Cuba to capture the events leading up to the Spanish-American War for the American public. Designed to explore the hero and the heroic in journalistic coverage of war, this thesis involved qualitative textual analysis of front-page newspaper stories published in New York City during the Spanish-American War. Using Joseph Campbell's power of the myth and the hero as a framework, this thesis explores three major themes: 1) the story of Evangelina Cisneros, 2) the desperate situation of the Cuban people, and 3) the sinking of the battleship Maine. The following research questions are explored: What events in the nine-month period leading up to the war call for heroic action? Who were the heroes according to the yellow newspapers of Hearst and Pulitzer? How did these yellow newspaper stories mirror Campbell's concept of the mythic hero and his/her heroic journey? The analysis shows that these articles answered the human need for excitement, for drama, for a hero, and the need to be a hero. / Thesis (M.A.)--Wichita State University, College of Liberal Arts and Sciences, Elliott School of Communication. / "July 2006." / Includes bibliographic references (leaves 60-64)

Among the most important choices made by groups fighting a civil war -- governments and rebels alike -- is how to allocate available military and pecuniary resources across the contested areas of a conflict-ridden territory. Combatants use military force to coerce and money to persuade and co-opt. A vast body of literature in political science and security studies examines how and where combatants in civil wars apply violence. Scholars, however, have devoted less attention to combatants' use of material inducements to attain their objectives. This dissertation proposes a logic that guides combatants' use of material benefits alongside military force in pursuit of valuable support from communities in the midst of civil war. Focused on the interaction between the military and the local population, the theory envisions a bargaining process between a commander and a community whose support he seeks. The outcome of the bargaining process is a fiscal strategy defined by the extent to which material benefits are distributed diffusely or targeted narrowly. That outcome follows from key characteristics of the community in question that include its sociopolitical solidarity (or fragmentation) and its economic resilience (or vulnerability). I evaluate the theory of fiscal strategies through a series of case studies from the Philippine-American War of 1899-1902. As a further test of external validity, I consider the theory's applicability to key events from the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. / Government

Orientador: Carlos Alberto Sampaio Barbosa / Banca: José Luis Bendicho Beired / Banca: Carolina Amaral de Aguiar / Resumo: A Guerra Hispano-Americana (1898) aconteceu em decorrência da expansão imperialista dos Estados Unidos no momento em que sua industrialização crescia em ritmo acelerado. Eliminando os últimos resquícios da colonização espanhola no continente americano, Cuba e Filipinas foram os primeiros alvos de uma política agressiva dos nacionalistas estadunidenses para assegurar o slogan proposto pela Doutrina Monroe, "América para os Americanos". Nos principais centros urbanos dos Estados Unidos, a modernidade atingia a percepção dos indivíduos por meio da inovação tecnológica que dimensionava o tempo e o espaço, a velocidade da máquina mesclava o orgânico e o mecânico. Nas ruas, inúmeras propagandas visuais atordoavam os olhares, os jornais impressos traziam notícias sensacionalistas de interesses políticos e o comportamento dos cidadãos se padronizava através das revistas periódicas. Os vaudevilles, teatros de variedades, canalizavam essa sociedade caótica através da miscelânea de espetáculos e shows, o cinema se desenvolvia neste ambiente. Quando o conflito entre a Espanha e os Estados Unidos entrou em vigor, o cinema participou pela primeira vez de uma guerra, se misturando com todas as formas de comunicação do período e exercendo, de forma inédita, uma postura ativa na formação da opinião pública. O trabalho a seguir compreende como foi a participação dos filmes produzidos pela Edison Company e pela American Biograph e Mutoscope, diante desse enredo. Utilizando 68 filmes presentes... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: The Spanish-American War (1898) happened as a result of the United States's imperialist expansion at the time its industrialization grew at a accelerated pace. Eliminating the last remnants of Spanish colonization in the American continent, Cuba and the Philippines were the first targets of an American nationalists's aggressive policy to ensure the slogan proposed by the Monroe doctrine "America for Americans". In the main United States's urban centers, modernity reached the individuals perception through technological innovation that dimensioned the time and the space, the machine's speed merged the organic and the mechanic. In the streets, countless visual advertisements stunned the looks, the printed newspapers brought sensationalist news of political interests and the citizens behaviour was standardized through periodic journals. The vaudevilles, variety theaters, channeled this chaotic society through the miscellaneous of performances and shows, the cinema was being developed in this environment. When the conflict between Spain and the United States came into effect, the cinema participated for the first time in a war, mingling with all forms of communication in the period and exerting, in an unprecedented way, an active posture in the public opinion formation. The following work compromises how was the participation of the films produced by the Edison Company and the American Biograph and Mutoscope, before this plot. Using 68 films present in the Spanish American War... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Mestre

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This dissertation explores U.S. military surgeons’ purposeful efforts to alter how medical and line officers in the U.S. Army and Navy conceived of disease, appreciated surgeons’ roles, and organized medical war preparations through education, training, exposure, and medico-military professionalization between 1884 and 1918. It traces surgeons’ postwar efforts to change American military cultures in response to the revelations of the germ theory of disease and deadly typhoid fever epidemics in the American training camps of the Spanish-American War. Medical and line officers required academic education and practical lessons to contextualize disease, surgeons, and medical care, understand and appreciate germs’ role in medicine, and train to apply these lessons to benefit their soldiers and sailors. Surgeons also reinforced their scientific education and grew military medicine through postgraduate education and tactical training designed to enhance the line’s perception of surgeons and medical science.This dissertation rests on the contention that surgeons contributed to military preparation for the next war by effecting cultural change to prevent the epidemics of previous wars. This culture of medical preparation shaped how military medical departments recruited, organized, and trained medical officers, procured supplies, and managed civil-military relationships. Entwined cultural change and war preparation were expressed in the multiple mobilization activities through which surgeons validated the success or failure of their efforts. Troops participated in organized camps of instruction, maneuver camps, and major mobilizations to the U.S.-Mexico border, allowing surgeons to use the physical encampments, hospitals, and other surgeons to test assumptions, exercise and refine theory, validate operational principles, and improve from previous iterations. As the United States entered the Great War in 1917, epidemics of measles, influenza, and meningitis attacked Army and Navy recruit training camps. Rather than demonstrate failure, this dissertation positions the 1917 and 1918 epidemics to demonstrate medical officers’ successful military cultural change. A comparative approach between 1898 and 1918 also highlights cultural and medico-military evolution through the lenses of preparation and mobilization. Official military reports and archival sources illuminate cultural divisions between line and medical officers and track the curricular development of military hygiene and sanitation courses in undergraduate and professional military schools and specialized fields at military medical schools. This dissertation intervenes in military and medical historiographies by pushing the conversation beyond disease’s impact on war to center disease and changing perceptions of disease, culturally and medically, as features of military preparation. It also recasts military surgeons as central agents in the U.S. military’s turn-of-the-century professionalization and modernization efforts. As the world addresses the outcomes and aftermath of the COVID-19 pandemic, this dissertation demonstrates that physicians and societies met previous epidemics and pandemics on medical science’s past frontiers where the germ theory of disease had barely won acceptance. It also illustrates the power of individuals in subordinate classes to affect institutional cultures for the betterment of all. Lastly, as military operations during future pandemics are all but guaranteed, this dissertation proves that dedication and preparation are just as vital to epidemic defense as good science. / History

During the Philippine War, 1899 – 1902, America attempted to quell an uprising from the Filipino people. Four regular army regiments of black soldiers, the Ninth and Tenth Cavalry, and the Twenty-Fourth and Twenty-Fifth Infantry served in this conflict. Alongside the regular army regiments, two volunteer regiments of black soldiers, the Forty-Eighth and Forty-Ninth, also served. During and after the war these regiments received little attention from the press, public, or even historians. These black regiments served in a variety of duties in the Philippines, primarily these regiments served on the islands of Luzon and Samar. The main role of these regiments focused on garrisoning sections of the Philippines and helping to end the insurrection. To carry out this mission, the regiments undertook a variety of duties including scouting, fighting insurgents and ladrones (bandits), creating local civil governments, and improving infrastructure. The regiments challenged racist notions in America in three ways. They undertook the same duties as white soldiers. They interacted with local "brown" Filipino populations without fraternizing, particularly with women, as whites assumed they would. And, they served effectively at the company and platoon level under black officers. Despite the important contributions of these soldiers, both socially and militarily, little research focuses on their experiences in the Philippines. This dissertation will discover and examine those experiences. To do this, each regiment is discussed individually and their experiences used to examine the role these men played in the Philippine War. Also addressed is the role ideas about race played in these experiences. This dissertation looks to answer whether or not notions on race played a major role in the activities of these regiments. This dissertation will be an important addition to the study of the Philippine War, the segregated U. S. Army, and African American history in the modern period.

Lorsque William Randolph Hearst prit les rênes, en 1887, d’un petit quotidien sans envergure, personne ne fit grand cas de ce jeune nanti admiratif du travail de Joseph Pulitzer. Vingt ans plus tard, W. R. Hearst était à la tête d’un empire médiatique considérable et d’un pouvoir politique incontestable. Dans cet intervalle, les États-Unis, la presse, et William Randolph Hearst connurent des destins liés. Les États-Unis, d’abord, entrèrent de plain-pied dans ce qui allait devenir le siècle américain, avec leur puissance économique industrielle, et un statut de puissance coloniale acquis à la faveur de la guerre hispano-américaine en 1898. La presse, quant à elle, connut des bouleversements majeurs et une vigueur sans cesse alimentée par toujours plus de modernité. Hearst, enfin, construisit un parcours atypique, au point de rencontre entre médias et politique, couronné d’immenses succès comme de cuisantes défaites. Divertissant pour les uns ou effrayant pour les autres, il n’en porta pas moins les espoirs d’une frange encore silencieuse de la population, et fit de sa vie publique une histoire à rebondissements, non sans rapport avec le journalisme "jaune" qu’il érigea en éthique et en arme politique, malgré les critiques. Au-delà de la fascination, de la caricature, ou du jugement sans concession, le parcours médiatico-politique de Hearst mérite un réexamen qui prend en compte les transformations profondes de la société américaine. Sans le concours opportun de ces dernières, sa trajectoire n’aurait pas le même impact en tant que part significative, si ce n’est, sur bien des aspects, emblématique, du destin tumultueux de la nation américaine entre XIXe et XXe siècles. / In 1887, when William Randolph Hearst became the editorial head of a small daily in San Francisco, no one bothered to notice this well-off young man who admired Joseph Pulitzer’s work. Twenty years later he reigned over a gigantic media empire and held an unquestionable power in politics. In the meantime the paths followed respectively by the United States, the press and W. R. Hearst crossed many times. The United States fully entered what was to become the American Century as a prominent economic, industrial and colonial power, after the 1898 Spanish-American War. The American press underwent dramatic breakthroughs, and was vigorous as ever thanks to unceasing innovations and growing business-oriented practices. Hearst constructed an original career, at the crossroads of media and politics; he knew great successes, bitter defeats and disappointments. Entertaining to some, frightening to others, he was nonetheless the focus for the aspirations of a silent fringe of the population, and conceived his public life as a true story with twists and turns, similar to the stories accounting for the success of "yellow journalism" that constituted Hearst’s ethics and political weapon of choice, despite many criticisms. Beyond fascination, caricature or hasty judgments, his career deserves a reassessment that takes into account the changes affecting the core of American society. Without the help, intended or not, of those major transformations, Hearst’s adventure might not have left such a strong mark on his country’s history: a significant part of the bustling destiny of the United States at the turn of the XXth century, it is also, in many respects, an emblematic one.

During the ten years following the Spanish American War (1898 to 1908), Major General Leonard Wood served as the primary agent of American imperialism. Wood was not only a proconsul of the new American Empire; he was a symbol of the empire and the age in which he served. He had the distinction of directing civil and military government in Cuba and the Philippines where he implemented the imperial policies given to him by the administrations of William McKinley and Theodore Roosevelt. In Cuba, he labored to rebuild a state and a civil society crippled by decades of revolutionary ferment and guided the administration's policy through the dangerous channels of Cuban politics in a way that satisfied – at least to the point of avoiding another revolution – both the Cubans and the United States. In the Philippines, Wood took control of the Moro Province and attempted to smash the tribal-religious leadership of Moro society in order to bring it under direct American rule. His personal ideology, the imperial policies he shepherded, and the guidance he provided to fellow military officers and the administrations he served in matters of colonial administration and defense shaped the American Empire and endowed it with his personal stamp.

The history of the United States’ occupation in the Philippines requires an alternative archive that includes family stories, museums sites, and other memories to articulate the nearly inexplicable legacy of imperial trauma. My project foregrounds the intangible effects of American imperialism, traced in generational memories of Filipinos and Filipino Americans and their descendants. Addressing three key moments defining the Filipino and Filipino American experience: the Philippine-American War, World War II, and 21st century global capitalism, I look at how the under-the-surface, banal nature of imperial trauma’s legacy marks Filipino identity and creates blind spots in the Filipino imaginary. My dissertation examines sexual atrocities committed by American soldiers during the 1898-1902 Philippine-American War, revisits memories of World War II and the Japanese Occupation as represented in military museums in Fredericksburg, Texas and on Corregidor Island, Philippines, and concludes with the importance of the babaylan figure, from an ancient priestess tradition in the Philippines, for diasporic Filipinas to negotiate the contemporary challenges of everyday living. My dissertation examines the use of strategic storytelling to recover lost histories, heal from the past, and re-create the present. / text

In the three decades surrounding the Spanish-American war (1880-1910), three prominent Puerto Rican artists, Francisco Oller (1833-1917), Manuel E. Jordan (1853-1919), and Ramón Frade (1875-1954) created a group of paintings depicting "el jíbaro," the rural Puerto Rican farm worker, in a way that can be appropriately labeled "nationalistic." Using a set of motifs involving clothes, customs, domestic architecture and agricultural practices unique to rural Puerto Rico, they contributed to the imagination of a communal identity for creoles at the turn of the century. ("Creole" here refers to individuals of Spanish heritage, born on the island of Puerto Rico.) This set of shared symbols provided a visual dimension to the aspirational nationalism that had been growing within the creole community since the mid- 1800s. This creollismo mythified the agrarian laborer as a prototypical icon of Puerto Rican identity. By identifying themselves as jíbaros, Puerto Rican creoles used jíbaro self-fashioning as a way to define their community as unique vis a vis the colonial metropolis (first Spain, later the United States). In this thesis, I will examine works by Oller, Jordan and Frade which employ jíbaro motifs to engage this creollismo. They do so by painting the jíbaro himself, his culture and surroundings, the fields in which he worked, and the bohío hut which was his home. Together, these paintings form a body of jíbaro imagery which I will contextualize, taking into account both the historical circumstances of jíbaro life, as well as the ways in which signifiers of jibarismo began to gain resonance amongst creoles who did not strictly belong to the jíbaro class. The resulting study demonstrates the importance of the mythified jíbaro figure to the project of imagining Puerto Rican creole society as a nation, and the extent to which visual culture participated in this creative process.