PhD, Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand,2011 / This is a theoretical conceptual post-modern1 study which aims to elucidate the ANC’s democratic project through the prism of its relationship to the media. In turn, it aims to scrutinize events that have already occurred post-liberation in order to explore whether the free space of the media is steadily being impinged upon, and eroded and explore further, what ‘turns’ journalists made when under pressure from political forces. Whilst recognising that interlocking imperatives inform freedom and independence of the press, this study’s main focus is a political one. However, the issue of ownership is intrinsic to research on media ‘freedom’, particularly the concentration of ownership of the media and so, how commercial imperatives impact2 will be examined. Several theorists have been referred to in order to begin putting together a conceptual theoretical framework with which to clarify and account for the emergent pattern of discourse by the ANC on the media. The conceptual framework adumbrated here and employed in the analysis of the relationship of the ANC with the media draws heavily from Zizek, Mouffe and Butler, in particular. The concept of ‘resignifications’ comes from Butler, those of ‘Master signifier’ and ‘social fantasy’ from Zizek, and the conception of radical democracy from Mouffe. Use is made of these theoretical tools in order to account for the compulsion that characterizes certain discursive interventions on the media, which are always in some respect ‘inappropriate’ or in ‘excess’ of expectations. 1 Post-modern thinking has been influenced by Jacques Derrida, Michael Foucault, Jurgen Habermas, Soren Kierkegaard, Jean-Francois Lyotard and is characterised by fluidity, undecidability, openness, irony, parody as well a recognition of the world as a field of infinite interplay (McGrath, A: 1993: p456-60) 2 John Keane (1991) in The Media and Democracy is particularly useful in questioning how the concept of freedom of the press originated, but also how deregulation and commercial imperatives impact on the notions of democracy and freedom. Anton Harber wrote in a newspaper piece, Two fat ladies make a meal of it (2003: Business Day) that concentration of ownership - following the global trend – presents a danger to democracy, ‘leading to a homogenized and tepid media’.

Student Number : 0510823J - MA research report - School of Social Sciences - Faculty of Humanities / This dissertation traces the changing relationship of the ANC with liberal democracy from the party's inception to the present, and analyses the various influences upon, and shifts within, the ANC's thinking with regard to liberal democracy over this period. The paper argues that the years between 1987 and 1994 represented a critical and dramatic shift in the ANC's relationship with liberal democratic values in which it came to openly state its acceptance of institutionalised pluralism and rights. It also argues, however, that despite the momentous and extremely valuable nature of these commitments for the consolidation of liberal democracy in South Africa, there remain suggestions within the language and discourse of the ANC that are problematic for its full realisation, the essence of which lies in the ANC's own understanding and interpretation of the meaning of liberal democracy

SubmItted In fulfilment of the Master of Arts Degree / The study traces and explains reformulation of ANC natlonatlsatlon policy between 1990 and early 1994. In doing so It develops the sociology of natlonallsatlon. It argues that natlonallsatlon is a nexus of particular social relations. First, since these relations are dynamic, nationalisation can only be fully understood through a concrete rather than an abstract approach to its study. Second, the nature of the relations which natlonallsatlon expresses are both political and economic. Therefore changes in ANC nationallsatlon policy cannot be analyzed only from an economic or pragmatist perspective. Finally, nationalisation reflects and expresses class relations. It is necessary to understand the class character of the major actors Involved and the balance of class forces to analyze any particular instance or absence of natlonallsatlon, The ANC's natlonallsatlon policy gradually rejected wlde-scalo natlonalleatlon. Nationallsatlon represents one form of the state-capital relation. The ANC's olass character as a nationalist organisation constrains It to act within the broad framework given by global trends in capitalism, since Its aim Is to get hold of a nation state (ttle characteristic political form of capitalism). As a government-in-waltlng' during the transition, It was Increasingly concerned to find the optimum relation between Itself (a future state) and capital In Its economic policy, the aim being to safeguard the national economy. The advancing lnternatlonallsatlon of capital has created a tendency for a multi-polar relation between individual capitals and various nation-states. Nationallsatlon (a close link between Individual capitals and a rjngle nation state) is out of line with these trends. However, these trends were not directly, unproblematlcally or even consciously assimilated Into ANC policy. The ANC's contradictory relation to its mass base Is key in understanding the ANC's increased sensitivity to such questions. The prolonged nature of the transition revealed the political limitations on nationalism In the present global context, in the ANC's vacillation between its mass base and other political actors. This constrained the ANC's ability to drive home an economic and political programme of Its own Initial choice and increased its sensitivity to capital and other major actors. Research Into the South African economy and the experience of other countries was Interpreted from the ideological framework given by the Eastern European revolutions and the collapse of command 1st economies, which themselves were interpreted from the framework of nationalist polit!cs. The study concludes that natlonallsatlon must be understood to express social relations. Its disappearance from ANC economic policy expresses the dynamic of the prevailing capitalist system, through the agency of a nationalist organisation. / AC2017

MA (History) / Department of Development Studies / The study examines the process of democratic consolidation in South Africa since 1994. This study unpacks the trends, developments and challenges which have taken place since 1994 towards the entrenchment of democracy in the country. The research will explore the nature of the rule of the ANC in the light of efforts, successes and failures in consolidating democratic rule in the country. The major problem which prompted this study is that, claims of South Africa as a democratic state have not been scrutinised by academics, and this study seeks to question the validity of the phrase “New democracy” which is commonly used by both politicians and academics in referring to the government since 1994. The study will be informed by notions of democracy and will utilise the indicators of democracy to locate whether South Africa can be viewed as a true democracy, or if it offers some elements, but neglecting some of the key components of democracy. The other critical issue will be to determine the extent to which democratic institutions have been strengthened in the country. This will be basically a literaturebased study, which depends more on reviewing policies enacted by the government and determining if the policies entail democratic consolidation. The overall assumption is that more still needs to be done towards entrenching democratic institutions that address socio-economic inequalities that persist in the country. Theoretically the study builds from the liberal discourse and its fundamental notions of democracy and good governance

No description available.

Yes / Early booking or registration into Antenatal Care (ANC) can be defined as initiation of ANC before 12 weeks of gestation and is important for the best health outcome of the mother and the baby. Delayed initiation of ANC has been linked to increased rate of maternal and fetal mortality. There is international consensus that ANC should begin within first trimester yet pregnant women delay initiation of ANC. Health Care Workers (HCWs) understanding of reasons for this can improve patient provider relationship. Objectives: This study aims to explore the perception of the HCWs in Fiji towards early antenatal booking. Methods: A qualitative study was employed using four Focus-Group Discussions (FGDs)with the HCWs who provide health care service for pregnant women in Ba Mission Hospital (BMH) in 2020. Each group comprised of medical officers, mid-wives and registered nurse who were chosen purposively. A semi-structured open ended questionnaire was used to guide the discussion. Data was transcribed and analyzed manually using thematic content analysis using the following process: familiarization, coding, identifying themes, reviewing and refining, integration and interpretation. Results: There was a total of 18 HCWs for the FGDs. The mean age of the participants was 37.4±11.8years. The three themes identified were: knowledge of HCWs on early booking, their perceived barriers and perceived enabling factors to early antenatal booking. The FGDs identified that the HCWs had adequate knowledge on early initiation of ANC and that there were a range of barriers to early initiation of ANC. The HCWs also suggested factors that could enable women to book early. Conclusion: Based on the study it can be concluded that the HCWs have a positive perception of early antenatal booking, however, there are various factors that contribute to delayed antenatal booking. The barriers to early ANC are both an opportunity and a challenge to strengthen and review the maternal services offered. The enabling factors should be reinforced from an individual level to the health system and the general context. The implications of the barriers and enabling factors identified in this study is to implement evidence-based policies to improve early antenatal booking in Ba, Fiji.

Ces travaux visent à déterminer l‘intérêt de deux types de nanosystèmes (NS) coeur-couronne dans des applications dermatologiques ou cosmétiques. Les nanocapsules lipidiques (LNC) sont obtenues par une méthode déjà décrite dans la littérature. Leur formule est modifiée pour incorporer un actif cosmétique d‘intérêt. Les nanocapsules d‘alginate (ANC) sont développées au moyen de plans d‘expériences. Elles sont composées d‘un coeur huileux et d‘une coque d‘alginate de calcium gélifiée obtenue par gélification ionique de surface d‘une nanoémulsion. Des méthodes basées sur le phénomène de fluorescence nous permettent de mettre en évidence l‘endocytose des ANC par les kératinocytes. Leur contenu est rapidement libéré dans le cytoplasme. Une étude sur différents modèles ex vivo montre que les deux nanosystèmes permettent aux molécules encapsulées d‘atteindre les couches vivantes de l‘épiderme. ANC et LNC sont stables plusieurs mois dispersées dans des formes galéniques semi-solides. Ces deux NS sont donc adaptés à la délivrance de molécules actives dans la peau. / Two types of core-shell nanosystems have been evaluated for dermatological and cosmetic applications. Lipid nanocapsules (LNC) are obtained by a method that has already been described in the literature. Their composition is adapted for incorporation of a specific cosmetic ingredient. Alginate nanocapsules (ANC) are developed with the aid of experimental design. They consist of a triglyceride core with a rigid calcium alginate shell obtained by ionic gelation of the surface of a nanoemulsion. By incorporating fluorophores into these nanosystems, they can be studied by advanced spectral fluorescence imaging methods. We were thus able to show that ANC are first internalized into keratinocytes by endocytosis, and once inside the cells, their contents are rapidly released into the cytoplasm. A study of different ex vivo skin model systems has shown that both nanosystems enable active substances to reach the living epidermis. When incorporated into gels similar to those used as galenic forms for topical administration, LNC and ANC remain stable for months. They can thus be used as vectors for delivering active substances to the skin.

No description available.

Head and neck squamous cell carcinoma is the 6th most common malignancyworldwide. Recently, a link between cancer and inflammation has been found. Mediatingthis relationship are the chemotactic cytokines known as chemokines. CXCL8 (Interleukin-8), a CXC ELR+ Chemokine mainly responsible for neutrophil chemoattraction, has beenimplicated in increased tumor proliferation, migration and angiogenesis. The current studytests the effects of CXCL8 on the tumor proliferation and metastasis. By genetically modifying cells to knockdown or overexpress the CXCL8 gene we tested its biological rolein head and neck cancer progression. Overexpression of CXCL8 in HN4 tumor cells withlow endogenous CXCL8 levels was found to increase tumor growth, as judged by cellcounting and MTT assays. Conversely, RNAi-mediated knockdown of CXCL8 expressionin HN12 cells, which express high levels of this chemokine, resulted in a decrease inproliferation. Similarly, overexpression of CXCL8 enhanced migration of HN4 cells invitro, while knockdown inhibited HN12 cell migration and invasion through a basementmembrane substitute. Taken together, these findings support the hypothesis that CXCL8affects multiple processes involved in head and neck cancer tumor progression. The datasuggest that CXCL8 is a potential therapeutic target for head and neck, and other, cancers.

In the waning days of apartheid, an operative of Umkhonto we Sizwe, the armed wing of South Africa’s most powerful dissident organization the African National Congress, returned to his home community of N’wamitwa after over a decade in exile. His mission was to spark a people’s war, an imported form of revolutionary warfare developed by Mao Zedong and perfected by the North Vietnamese in their revolutionary struggles. In this thesis I examine the political context in which the ANC chose to adopt the strategy and how it was imported into South Africa. The later chapters of this thesis use N’wamitwa as a case study examining how a people’s war is successfully implemented on the ground. I argue that one can see the three phases of a people’s war as articulated by Mao play out in N’wamitwa between the years 1989 to 1994 This piece was largely written and researched using oral testimony from nine former members of the MK in N’wamitwa and thus can also be seen as a collection of personal histories of the South African Freedom Struggle. / Graduate