The aim of this thesis is to analyse Anglo-Dutch relations in this highly volatile period, as perceived and interpreted by both sides, and it also closes the gap between the notable theses of Grayson and Groenveld. On 23 August 1625 Charles I and the Dutch Republic concluded a partnership agreement for joint warfare at sea and a month later a treaty for war against Spain. In December 1625 England, Denmark and the Republic signed treaties to establish the nucleus of an alliance against the Austrian Habsburgs. Charles wanted an active role in continental politics. Also to compel Spain to support his aim to restore his exiled sister Elizabeth and husband Count Elector Frederick V to their Palatinate estates and Frederick to his Electoral dignities in the Empire. The Dutch wanted England as an active partner in their war with Spain. It was a partnership of convenience, with different objectives but with the intention that success would serve the interests of both. The perceptions of the partnership were also different. Charles saw it as a continuation from Dutch dependence on England in 1585 but in 1625 the Dutch saw themselves as strong enough on land and sea to withstand mighty Spain. However, their objective to have their sovereignty internationally acknowledged contrasted with Charles' wider foreign policy objectives. The successful diplomacy of the first nine months was followed by a premature Anglo-Dutch attack on Spain at Cadiz which met with defeat; it remained England's only military action against Spain. In 1627 England went to war with France in support of the Huguenots but had to withdraw. After the Cadiz expedition Charles expected the Dutch to join the Danes at war in the Empire and his own war against France, an atavistic notion that the Dutch in some vague sense were indebted to the English crown and would serve English interests.

The Bodleian manuscript Digby 86 was written during the thirteenth century. It contains verse and prose texts,in Latin, French and English, on religious and secular subjects. It is one of the earliest common place books compiled in a secular setting. It contains unique copies of several French and English poems, and the earliest known copies of several more. More than half of the manuscript is written in French. There is a strong bias towards religious and didactic texts. Most of the known authors of the texts belonged to the secular clergy. The shorter Anglo-Norman poems in the manuscript are particularly interesting, and nine of them are edited here. Of the nine poems, four are devotional, and each of these has survived in at least four manuscripts; five- are secular, and none of these has survived incomplete form in any other manuscript. None of the nine poems is referred to in the standard work on Anglo-Norman literature, M.D.Leqqe's Anglo-Norman Literature and its Background, and although they are not all remarkable literary achievements, they are all interesting either for poetic merit, or for their literary affiliations, or for the metrical and linguistic forms displayed. The Bone preere a nostre Seinqnour Jhesu Grist (l) is a contemplative and penitential prayer to Christ. It is adapted from a Latin prayer attributed to St.Edmund of Abingdon, which has survived only in MS Bodley 57. The Latin prayer has not been edited, and is not listed in the standard reference works. The Chauncoun de noustre Seinqnour (II) is composed in an intricate metrical form, and this has been obscured in previous editions. The language is sophisticated, and the style blends elements of the secular love lyric with conventional formulas of devotion. Les Avés noustre Dame (III) consists of three parts, salutations of the Virgin, a prayer of the Five Joys, and a Litany of the Saints, and it has often been listed as three separate poems. But this goes against the manuscript tradition, and it should probably be regarded as one composite whole. It has survived in eight different versions, whereby two manuscripts contain two versions each, and one version is a continental 'normalized 1 text. One of the versions has not previously been identified, because in it the first eight stanzas are missing. [Continues in thesis]

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British relations with the United States during the period 1895 to 1902 shifted from an attitude defined by suspicion and hostility to one of friendship. The relationship endured three main trials; the Venezuelan boundary crisis, the Spanish-American War, and simultaneous colonial struggles; the United States in the Philippines and Great Britain in South Africa. What developed was a greater mutual understanding, laying foundations for the enduring special relationship of the twentieth century. Public opinion was critical to the development of the relationship with the United States, especially in view of existing suspicions and conflicting interest groups in both countries. Great Britain, with her naval power and the vast resources of the British Empire, was undoubtedly the most powerful nation-state for much of the nineteenth century, and had stood in 'Splendid Isolation' secure in the knowledge that each threat to her supremacy could be met in turn. However, in the latter years of the century, over-stretched from her imperial possessions, Britain faced more serious threats to her security and increasing demands for a formal relationship with a power with similar interests, the United States was advanced as that partner. The Spanish-American War was a brief but successful war for the United States of America, eclipsing the bad memories of the civil war. A renewed belief in the republic was instilled, and with it an end to the isolationist characteristic of American foreign policy from the time of Washington's farewell address. The Spanish-American War was also a turning point in the relations between the United States and Great Britain. This has prompted several historians to examine why the two nations, over a relatively short period, managed to settle their differences. Most studies of Anglo-American relations at the turn of the century have centred upon the diplomatic overtures. Others examining public opinion have focused upon the reaction of the London press. While providing valuable insight into opinion prevalent in the capital of the British Empire they neglect to examine British attitudes outside of the centre, in particular in Scotland. Scottish public opinion, within the larger British context, towards the Spanish-American War and American Imperialism, provides an insight into the growth of Anglo-American relations from a new perspective.

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This thesis attempts to explain the Anglo-Saxon influence on Hopkins's poetry by providing a biographical study of his life to determine when he acquired knowledge of the Anglo-Saxon.

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Mémoire numérisé par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.

Thesis advisor: Robin Fleming / The towns that the Norman invaders found in England in 1066 had far longer and far more complex histories than have often been conveyed in the historiography of the Anglo-Saxon period. This lack of depth is not surprising, however, as the study of the towns of Anglo-Saxon England has long been complicated by a dearth of textual sources and by the work of influential historians who have measured the urban status of Anglo-Saxon settlements using the attributes of late medieval towns as their gage. These factors have led to a schism amongst historian regarding when the first towns developed in Anglo-Saxon England and about which historical development marks the beginning of the continuous history of the English towns. This dissertation endeavors to apply new evidence and new methodologies to questions related to the development, status, and nature of Anglo-Saxon urban communities in order to provide a greater insight into their origins and their evolutionary trajectories. It is the argument of this work that the emporia of the sixth through nine centuries were indeed towns and that the burhs founded by Alfred the Great and his heirs were intended from their inception to be towns and were quickly recognized as such by contemporaries. Two distinct methodologies are used to support these arguments: The first uses recent archeological and numismatic data related to the settlements in question to determine if the size and occupational make-up of their populations, the complexity and diversity of their economies, and their integration into regional and cross-Channel exchange networks sufficiently differentiated them from contemporary rural sites and places them in a distinct, urban category. The second methodology employs contemporary texts including the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, The Old English Orosius, and The Old English Martyrology to reveal the terms actually used by the Anglo-Saxons to describe their settlements and then compares those terms to the words used to describe places that the Anglo-Saxons would have definitively recognized as a town or a city, such as Rome or Jerusalem. Regarding the continuity of Anglo-Saxon towns, recent archaeological data is used to prove that the periods of time which have often been cited as breaks in occupation were actually moments of transition from one type of town to another. At London, for example, we can now see that there was no substantive gap between the end of the extramural emporium of Lundenwic and earliest evidence for secular settlement within the walls of the former Roman town during the ninth century when it was refortified as a burh. This indicates that we should trace the continuous history of many towns, like London, back beyond Alfred and his burhs, to the emporia and other settlements that preceded them. Another major theme that threads its way through this work is that the Anglo-Saxon towns were negotiated spaces defined by the interplay of different groups of people and different ideas. Kings and bishops certainly exerted a great deal of influence over the development of the Anglo-Saxon towns, but, by no means were they the only forces at work. The common craftsmen and traders who lived and worked in the towns and the lesser elites and royal officials who lorded over them shaped the physical and social environments of the towns, their regional and cross-Channel connections, and how their economies functioned. Different groups of foreigners also influenced the Anglo-Saxon towns through trade, evangelism, and, at times, violence. Moreover, in so much as any of these groups or individuals may have exerted a greater influence over the development of the Anglo-Saxon towns at one time or another, no single group--be it kings, bishops, elites, traders, craftsmen, or assorted foreigners--can ever be said to have been acting totally independently of the others. In short, this dissertation illustrates that the towns of Anglo-Saxon England were the products of complex networks that moved people, things, wealth, and ideas throughout regions and across seas. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2014. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: History.