Chapter One describes Britain's nuclear and conventional defence policy towards the United States during 1957-1959. Britain's nuclear policy during these years was based on reconciling British independence with Anglo-American cooperation and cost effectiveness. The British government reduced Britain's conventional forces, but Britain's force strength In Europe had to be adjusted as the Americans began to support calls for a build-up of conventional forces in Europe. Chapter Two deals with Macmillan's policies on SKYBOLT, POLARIS and the NATO MRBM force during 1960. The British government was keen on getting both missiles from the Americans, aiming at a deal that would leave Britain with a maximum degree of independence for her deterrent. The Eisenhower Administration's support for SACEUR's NATO MRBM force proposals thwarted British attempts to get POLARIS. Chapter Three describes Macmillan's attempt at reconciling Britain's nuclear cooperation with the United States with British offers of military cooperation with France during 1961-1962. Such options were considered in order to prevent Britain's deterrent from being subsumed within a multilateral force. An Anglo-French nuclear alignment was one possible alternative to a more obvious example of alliance interdependence, a NATO nuclear force backed by the United States. In Chapter Four Britain's efforts to reduce her conventional forces during the years 1960-1962 are discussed. These efforts coincide with American pressure to build up conventional forces in Europe in the wake of the Berlin crisis. Anglo-American discussions over the conventional force strength issue culminated in the Nassau meeting of December 1962. The general British debate on future commitments and deployments overshadowed the coordination of efforts with the Americans on conventional forces overseas. Chapter Five describes Britain's nuclear relationship with the United States in the aftermath of Nassau. This centred on the drafting of a POLARIS Sales agreement and finding some common ground on the NATO multilateral force issue. On the former, the British position was challenged by American efforts at renegotiating the Nassau agreement. On the latter, the British government was divided over if and to what extent it should cooperate with the Americans on the MLF. The US Administrations under Kennedy and Johnson were only half-hearted in their support for the mixed manned multilateral force. Macmillan meanwhile remained hesitant about suggestions to embark upon a nuclear rapprochement with France. Chapter Six follows Britain's attempt to reach a decision on commitments and conventional force deployments during the years 1963-1 964. Members of the British government were inclined to look at the division of defence tasks between Brita n and the United States in areas outside NATO as another form of Anglo-American interdependence at work. During Douglas-Home's premiership, Britain's role in out-of-NATO areas assumed greater significance.

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Seminario para optar al grado de Ingeniero Comercial, Mención Administración / No autorizada por el autor para ser publicada a texto completo / Anglo American es una de las empresas mineras más grandes del mundo con operaciones en los 5 continentes. Es una compañía a nivel mundial que tiene su sede principal en Londres. Produce y extrae Platino, Níquel, Diamantes, Mineral de Hierro, Cobre, Carbón Térmico, Carbón Metalúrgico y hace muy poco Niobio y Fosfato1. En Mayo del 2002, Anglo American adquirió la empresa Chilena “Disputada de las Condes” que tenía yacimientos en la zona centro con El Soldado, Los Bronces y Fundición Chagres reforzando la operación y Unidad de Negocios “Cobre”. Así se comenzó a extraer este mineral y su producto secundario Molibdeno, incorporándose a sus yacimientos en el Norte Mantos Blancos, MantoVerde y Doña Inés de Collahuasi con un 44% de participación. En las oficinas centrales de Santiago, se sitúa la casa matriz donde se encuentran 9 Vicepresidencias en las cuales se centralizan los trabajos, labores y proyectos correspondientes a toda la Unidad de Negocios “Cobre”. Estas corresponden a Operaciones Norte, Operaciones Sur, Técnico, Finanzas y Administración, Desarrollo de Negocios y Estrategia, Asuntos Corporativos, Comercialización, Seguridad y Desarrollo Sustentable, Proyectos y Recursos Humanos. Las funciones de la Gerencia de Recursos Humanos para sus faenas en Chile, se encuentran centralizadas en las oficinas de Santiago. En esta ciudad es donde se tiene el control de las decisiones generales que abarcan todas las operaciones con las áreas de Beneficios y Compensaciones, Desarrollo de personal, Desarrollo Organizacional, Asignaciones Internacionales y Planning & Resourcing. A pesar de poseer un departamento de Recursos Humanos centralizado en Santiago, cada faena tiene su propio Departamento de Recursos Humanos. Cada departamento se encarga y preocupa de los asuntos más locales referentes a su propia operación tales como entrega de remuneraciones, entrega de servicios de colación, coordinación de recorridos de trasporte y acercamiento, entre otras labores. Además, Anglo American cuenta con Global Shared Services

This thesis examines a neglected transatlantic link between three post-war British poets – Charles Tomlinson, Gael Turnbull and Andrew Crozier – and a group of Depression-era modernists: the Objectivists. This study seeks to answer why it was the Objectivists specifically, rather than other modernists, that were selected by these three British poets as important exemplars. This is achieved through a combination of close readings – both of the Americans’ and Britons’ poetry and prose – and references to previously unpublished correspondence and manuscripts. The analysis proceeds via a consideration of how the Objectivists’ principles presented a challenge to dominant constructs of ‘authority’ and ‘value’ in post-war Britain, and the poetic is figured in this sense as a way-of-being as much as a discernible formal mode. The research concentrates on key Objectivist ideas (“Perception,” “Conviction,” “Objectification”), revealing the deep ethical concerns underpinning this collaboration, as well as hitherto unacknowledged political resonances in the context of its application to British poetries. Discussions of language-use build on recent critical perspectives that have made a case for the ‘re-forming’ potential of certain modernist poetries, particularly arguments about ‘paratactic’ versus ‘fragmentary’ modernisms, and as such the three British poets’ interest in the Objectivists is interpreted as a response to a need for restitution following the trauma of World War II. Ultimately, it is argued that this interaction (which this thesis figures in explicitly transatlantic terms) was a challenge to the emphasis placed on collective and normative viewpoints in much post-war British poetry, many of which were located in an organic conception of ‘nation.’ This study claims that the Objectivists’ example posited a contrasting poetic, foregrounding individual agency and capacity for thought as the only viable means for the poet to re-connect with and make meaningful statements about society and the world.

Book Summary: The Fellowship Independent Baptist Church near Stanley, Virginia, was a group of fundamental Christian believers broadly representative of southern Appalachian belief and practice. Jeff Todd Titon worked with this Baptist community for more than ten years in his attempt to determine the nature of language in the practice of their religion. He traces specialized vocabulary and its applications through the acts of being saved, praying, preaching, teaching, and in particular singing. Titon argues that religious language is performed and the context of its occurrence is crucial to our understanding and to a holistic view of not only religious practice but of folklife and ethnomusicology. Titon’s monumental study of The Fellowship Independent Baptist Church produced not only the first edition book but also an album and documentary film. In this second edition of Powerhouse for God, Titon revisits The Fellowship Independent Baptist Church nearly four decades later. Brother John Sherfey, the charismatic preacher steeped in Appalachian tradition has passed away and left his congregation to his son, Donnie, to lead. While Appalachian Virginia has changed markedly over the decades, the town of Stanley and the Fellowship Church have not. Titon relates this rarity in his new Afterword: a church founded on Biblical literalism and untouched by modern progressivism in an area of Appalachia that has seen an evolution in population, industry, and immigration. Titon’s unforgettable study of folklife, musicology, and Appalachian religion is available for a new generation of scholars to build upon.

The right to belong and participate in some form of political community is the most fundamental social right there is. This dissertation argues that social rights have not been understood broadly enough, that there has not been enough attention paid to their historical roots, and that they must not be viewed as being simply passive welfare rights. Rather, they must be seen in their historical context, and they must be seen for what they are: a much larger and more substantive phenomenon than what liberal theory has projected: both theoretically and empirically. I am calling this body of discourse “the social citizenship tradition.” This dissertation hopes to show that there was more than one definition of social citizenship historically and that social rights are certainly not “new.” In surveying a vast literature in Britain, the United States, and Canada, it points to places where alternative social rights claims have entered politics and society. By looking at writings from these three countries over three centuries, the evidence points to some similarities as well as differences in how scholars approached questions of economic and social rights. In particular, similar arguments over labour and property figured prominently in all three countries. The contextual ground of right was different in each country but the voice of social action was similar. The objective here is to reunite this common tradition of social citizenship with its past. It is because of classical liberalism that social right has lost focus and power, and a whole tradition of political thinking has been lost.This tradition has been narrowed to the point that it might be unrecognizable to the more radical forces, those who also fought for it, in the American, Canadian and British pasts.

The right to belong and participate in some form of political community is the most fundamental social right there is. This dissertation argues that social rights have not been understood broadly enough, that there has not been enough attention paid to their historical roots, and that they must not be viewed as being simply passive welfare rights. Rather, they must be seen in their historical context, and they must be seen for what they are: a much larger and more substantive phenomenon than what liberal theory has projected: both theoretically and empirically. I am calling this body of discourse “the social citizenship tradition.” This dissertation hopes to show that there was more than one definition of social citizenship historically and that social rights are certainly not “new.” In surveying a vast literature in Britain, the United States, and Canada, it points to places where alternative social rights claims have entered politics and society. By looking at writings from these three countries over three centuries, the evidence points to some similarities as well as differences in how scholars approached questions of economic and social rights. In particular, similar arguments over labour and property figured prominently in all three countries. The contextual ground of right was different in each country but the voice of social action was similar. The objective here is to reunite this common tradition of social citizenship with its past. It is because of classical liberalism that social right has lost focus and power, and a whole tradition of political thinking has been lost.This tradition has been narrowed to the point that it might be unrecognizable to the more radical forces, those who also fought for it, in the American, Canadian and British pasts.

My dissertation is a comparative analysis of the juncture at which Chinese poetry became “modern.” The catalyst for this development was the early twentieth-century translation into Chinese of the European Romantics, which was contemporaneous with changes and permutations within the “herbs and beauty” myth crucial to the conception of the Chinese poet. I argue that the convergence of the two serve as an anchor for examining China’s literary responses, in both form and content, to drastic social change brought about by rapid modernization and dramatic revolutions. Through a diverse selection of written and visual texts, I scrutinize and accentuate two ambivalences that, I argue, China’s struggle for modernity required and to which the “herbs and beauty” myth gives form. On the one hand, I locate a moment when the essential femininity of the traditional Chinese poet (man or woman) came to be displaced onto the Western new woman, as the Southern Society, a large community of Chinese poets in the early 20th century, revamped the “herbs and beauty” allegory through their project of translating the European Romantics into Chinese. On the other hand, I investigate how modern Chinese poets and intellectuals, torn between their residual attachment to a hallowed national literary tradition and their new quest for non-indigenous (European) sources, partook in the difficult moments of China’s modern transformation by constantly redefining the interconnections between the beautiful and the virtuous through translation and transcultural relation. In each instance in question, the influence of translation causes a shift in modes of representation that require new definitions of what it means to be a poet in an increasingly unspiritual and commodified world: together, these examples enable me to conceptualize the poetics and politics of what I call “translated affect” and “affective modernity.” / 10000-01-01

The Anglo American Platinum Converter Plant produces a copper-nickel sulphide converter matte which is slow-cooled in ingots over several days. During the process, the formation of alloy platelets, containing the majority of the PGM’s and Au, occurs. The alloy forms a magnetic fraction in the bulk matte which can be liberated when the matte is crushed and milled. The alloy platelets are then separated via a magnetic separation process in the Magnetic Concentration plant. The quality of the converter matte is dependent on the reaction and cast temperatures, bulk matte composition and cooling rate of each ingot, which define the microstructure of the slow-cooled matte that is produced as the final product of the ACP process. The current mould size used in the ACP slow-cool aisle is ~10 tonnes (maximum 14.84t), designed for 2 full ingots to be poured from every tap from a full ladle with a capacity of ~20t. This is the ideal situation, however, during normal plant operation ladles develop a build-up of material on the inside (or skull) that reduces the ladle active volume. This results in a large number of half ingots being produced, and, given the smaller ingot size, suboptimal cooling conditions arise and subsequently poor quality Waterval Converter Matte (WCM) is produced because of rapid cooling. In an attempt to match the converter blow size, the ladle size and the slow-cool mould size in future, a larger mould size of 15 ton was specifically constructed to determine if the smelter converted matte can be cast into the larger mould size. Therefore a larger size ingot of 15t with a maximum capacity of 20.6t was also used as part of the trials in order to determine if cooling rates in the larger sized ingot necessitated longer cooling times, and would therefore negatively affect the platinum pipeline and working inventory. The data obtained from these trials were then used to develop and validate a CFD model, specifically developed to simulate the cooling process. From the heat loss data it was calculated that the bulk of the heat lost from the ingots is through the top surface. After the first 12 hours of cooling, approximately 89% of the heat lost from the ingot is via the top surface and this increases to 96% after 24 hours. It can therefore be concluded that the cooling rates of the ingots can be easily manipulated by changing the thermal insulation of the lid that is placed over the ingot after casting. / Dissertation (MEng)--University of Pretoria, 2013. / gm2014 / Materials Science and Metallurgical Engineering / unrestricted